The First Known Broderi In Eventful Times
♦ Die ersten bekannten Broderi in bewegten Zeiten
Contents
Most gentle and honourably minded Reader
Claus Broderus
Claus Johann Broderius
Gabriel Broderius (Puderus)
Johann Broderius (Proderus)
Descendants
Epilogue
Sources and Annotations
Most gentle and honourably minded Reader,
This archaic and yet modern-sounding form of address is taken from the picaresque novel “Simplicius Simplicissimus” written in 1668 by Johann Jakob Christoph von Grimmelshausen 001. Although Grimmelshausen was born in the same year as my ancestor Gabriel Broderius of Klixbüll, who is the subject of this treatise, he came from Hesse, making it highly unlikely that they ever met. They nevertheless shared a formative experience: the horror and destruction of the Thirty Years War. Grimmelshausen came to terms with it with the help of satire in his novel; for instance when his hero talks in such a way about the helplessness of the peasantry:
Indeed the soldier’s evil practice
Serves also your purpose the best,
Lest arrogance should win you,
He says: Your goods and chattels belong to me.
Gabriel Broderius belonged, as far as we know, to that peasantry. Whether or not he read Grimmelshausen’s novel, which was a best-seller at that time, we shall never know, but if so, he would most likely have nodded in grim agreement.
Unfortunately, our early ancestors in Schleswig-Holstein never wrote any novels, nor did they keep diaries. They seem to have left us nothing at all penned by themselves, which is why we know very little about their lives. The only way to learn more about them is to study events which they may have experienced or at least heard about.
I have tried to do this and so I now wish to invite you on a journey into history, to which Grimmelshausen’s timeless greeting seemed to be a fitting preface.
Therefore, most gentle and honourably minded reader, I now begin, two generations before Gabriel Broderius, the “great grandfather” of all my ancestors.
Claus Broderus
The life of our earliest known direct ancestor, Claus Broderus, revolved around the little village of Klixbüll in Schleswig-Holstein, which then still belonged to the Duchy of Schleswig in the Kingdom of Denmark. In fact he was probably born there.
When as a baby in c. 1539 he gave out his cry, which for us at least was of such great importance, the world was very different from today. In rural areas the grey old Middle Ages were only reluctantly making way for the young modern age. People, nearly all of them farmers, lived according to an ancient rhythm very dependent on nature. Only freaks of nature, despotism of the authorities or pestilences could temporarily break up that rhythm.
But in many ways Europe was in the middle of an upheaval, in an age which would later be known as that of humanism, discovery and European expansion, of the Reformation and in the art world as that of the Renaissance and later the Baroque. It was going to blast open the horizons of medieval imagination and create a whole new view of the world – though not without the accompaniment of war, delusion and poverty.
That could not be averted, even by the teachings of the highly respected humanist and, in his own opinion, citizen of the world, Geert Geerts, better known as Erasmus of Rotterdam., In 1516, Erasmus, who was then court councillor to the later Emperor Charles V, had in his work “Institutio Principis Christiani” (The Education of a Christian Prince), enjoined the sovereigns of his time to rule responsibly for the welfare of all and called for the peaceful solution of political conflict. Last but not least he had recommended that the Roman Catholic Church undergo an internal reform, although by contrast with Martin Luther he did not oppose it completely. In 1523 he was portrayed by Hans Holbein the Younger in a pose which was most typical for him: standing at his desk and writing. Thanks to the emerging art of printing his books, written in Latin, had attracted much attention in highest circles. He had died only three years before the birth of Claus Broderus.
It was consistent with the mood of the age that artists should try in their work to come to terms with the terrible pestilences, generally known as the Plague, which in the course of 200 years had repeatedly swept through Europe. Hans Holbein the Younger was one of many painters who helped to banish people’s fears by portraying them. In 1538 he had published his series of woodcuts “The Dance of Death” and in the same year had painted a portrait of Christina of Denmark, the daughter of King Christian II, after she had been earmarked as a possible wife by King Henry VIII of England. He also produced the most famous portrait of the English king himself.
Christian II, who was married to Isabella, a sister of Emperor Charles V, was a despotic ruler who knew of the teachings of Erasmus 002, but he dismissed them as items which were of use to him, if indeed he understood them at all. In 1523 he had been deposed as King of Denmark, Norway and Sweden and banished. His uncle Frederick I, Duke of Schleswig and Holstein, had succeeded him as King of Denmark and Norway and in 1534 Christian III, the son of Frederick I, had assumed the regency of the Kingdom of Denmark and Norway and the Duchy of Schleswig and Holstein. In 1523 Sweden left the Kalmar Union (which consisted mainly of Denmark, Sweden and Norway) and chose a king of its own. After protracted fighting Christian III had been then able to reunite the disintegrating remains of the Danish Kingdom and finally in 1537 had managed to establish himself as King of Norway. Thus he had more or less restored the old order, which was based on medieval tradition, at a time when others had long since set out to transform the world.
Claus Broderus and some contemporary monarchs
England
Henry VIII, * 1491, † 1547, King from 1509Ottoman Empire
Suleiman I, 'the Magnificent', * c. 1495, † 1566, Sultan from 1520, failed in 1529 to capture ViennaHoly Roman Empire
Charles V, * 1500, † 1558, from 1516 as Carlos I King of Spain, from 1519 King, 1530 - 1556 EmperorDenmark
Christian III, * 1503, † 1559, from 1534 King of Denmark and Norway'USA' (first European colony founded in 1565 in St. Augustine/Florida)
Philipp II * 1527, † 1598, from 1556 King of Spain et al., was defeated in 1588 with the Spanish Armada by EnglandRussia
Ivan IV, 'the Terrible', * 1530, † 1584, Tsar from 1549Claus Broderus: * c. 1539, † 1612
In 1492, only a few decades before the birth of Claus Broderus, Christopher Columbus had discovered land on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, which until then was considered an unconquerable barrier. He had in all conscience believed it to be a part of India, because by his reckoning the circumference of the Earth left too little room for another continent: America.
It was with the same perception of the Earth’s size that in the same year the oldest still existing globe was made in Nuremberg. It is attributed to the cloth trader and adventurer Martin Behaim and is the size of a shoe from Paris plus eight inches 003. Less than ten years later Amerigo Vespucci realised that Christopher Columbus must indeed have discovered a completely new continent. Vespucci‘s perceptions of the 'Mundus Novus', the New World, had been translated by the Freiburg cartographer Martin Waldseemüller, who in the fashion of the day had given himself the humanistic name Martinus Ilacomilus 004, into a new globe and a new world map, which he first presented in public at the Frankfurt Book Fair on 25th April 1507 005. In the mistaken belief that the new, narrow and almost apologetically mapped continent had been discovered by Amerigo Vespucci, Ilacomilus had named it after him, albeit in the female Latin form, as was commonplace for continents: AMERICA. In 1513 he tried unsuccessfully to get the name of the true discoverer accepted, but the title America was literally already too well established.
The first round-the-world voyage in the history of mankind, funded by the Spanish King Charles V, on which Ferdinand Magellan set sail in 1519, had at one stroke increased the size of the world by about one quarter and put an end to all earlier speculation about its possible pear shape with paradise situated at the thinner end 006. Only a few years later, in 1524, the Italian Giovanni da Verrazano became the first European to discover the island of Manna-Hata, known today as Manhattan.
Erroneous assumptions concerning the Earth’s size and shape had therefore already been dispelled by the time of Claus Broderus' birth. And even the Ptolomy’s “geocentric theory”, a 1,400 year old vision of the heavens being a sphere carrying the sun, moon, planets and stars and rotating round the Earth which was fixed at its centre, had already been called into question. Nicolaus of Kues (latinised Nicolaus Cusanus) who was born in 1401 in Bernkastel-Kues on the Moselle river, had been the first scholar in the Middle Ages to take the Earth out of the centre of the universe and make it move 007. Unfortunately the time was not yet ripe for such incredible ideas. But now, one hundred years later, the old geocentric view of the world was slowly beginning to dissolve. It was the dawn of the modern age.
But a new demon had appeared together with the modern age, at first in the Old World and later also in the New World: witch-hunting. In 1530 it claimed first victims in Kiel: two women had been burned as sorceresses. In a total of 845 witch trials which took place between then and 1735 in the Duchy of Schleswig and Holstein hundreds more were condemned to death by fire, often after torture or spectacular immersion in water 008. The inhabitants of the eastern part of the duchy, the Schleswig-Holstein uplands, thereby earned themselves a particularly bad reputation. There were witch trials also in the area around Klixbüll: in Tønder, Karlum, Boverstedt, Achtrup, Bargum and Langenhorn, but generally speaking the inhabitants of the west coast remained more level-headed – perhaps because they were more dependent on one another.
For they were faced with a particular evil in the form of the regular storm floods of the North Sea, which became more and more devastating as a result of a gradual but continuous rise in water levels of nearly 1½ metres during the Medieval Warm Period. This climatic phenomenon had caused a perceptible rise in average temperatures in the northern hemisphere between the 6th and 13th centuries, allowing for a significant increase in the population of Europe. The Frisians of the Cimbrian Peninsula, who had settled in the 8th century on the south-west coast and later also in North Frisia, protected themselves at first by moving their settlements from the flat ground onto artificial mounds (in German 'Wurten' or 'Warften'). Then they had begun to build dikes, at first low summer dikes to protect the crops against flooding, and later higher winter dikes against the storm floods. However, these dikes increasingly reduced the tidal flow capacity of the sea, leading in some places to even greater storm floods and making the tidal channels and creeks deeper and wider 009.
The terrible storm flood of 1362, only twelve years after the first Europe-wide outbreaks of pestilence, had shaken Frisia so hard that the consequences still seem traceable today. This storm, known as the 2nd St. Marcellus Flood or Grote Mandrenke ('Great Drowning of Men') 010, caused countless deaths 011, and many parishes disappeared overnight and „changed from being to not being“ 012. The Schleswig Chronicle tells that on the Island of Strand alone „30 churches and parishes drowned“, including the legendary trading city of Rungholt. The immense storm tide had swept over the entire fen and more or less depopulated it; it had poured forth with dramatic power through the valleys of the Rivers Eider and Treene into inland meadows 013; it had flooded the areas where peat was dug for salt production, and it never gave them back 014; it had washed away light topsoil and turned fertile land into uninhabitable mud flats 015. The coastline had moved distinctly closer to Klixbüll.
This disaster would certainly be at mealtimes a topic for anxious discussion for the parents of little Claus Broderus, particularly in autumn when the stormy season began. Furthermore, the end of the 13th century saw the beginning of the Little Ice Age, which caused a noticeable drop in temperatures until the mid-nineteenth century, and which was to bring us legends and tales of terrible hunger, bitter cold winters and dangerous wolves. Of course no-one in Klixbüll could explain any of it. Instead there was speculation: had the flood of 1362 been divine punishment 016, mainly against the people of Rungholt, who were generally thought to be profane? Why had the Island of Strand, which once had been part of Rungholt’s hinterland, been flooded again on 1st November 1436, on All Saints Day of all days? And why was it again on All Saints Day, on 1st November 1532 017, that the Great Flood, as it became known on the coast, had destroyed a number of houses in Klixbüll? At the very height of the flood the wind had suddenly died down completely, which centuries later was still considered worthy of mention 018. Probably hardly anyone in Klixbüll had ever seen a calendar; they had only emerged a few decades earlier at the end of the 15th century 019, in fact, with the exception of the pastor and the noblemen on the rich estates, probably no-one could read or write. But these events, carefully recorded by chroniclers, would still have been a regular topic of conversation. They affected the people directly, and after all, they knew what divine punishment was.
One thing which was considered a form of divine punishment was an illness which nowadays has an exotic ring to it, but which in those days was part of everyday life: leprosy. The Kingdom of Denmark, which stretched from the Cimbrian Peninsula to the North Cape, was no exception. The sites of 24 former leprosaria have been identified in Schleswig-Holstein alone; places where lepers could find care and shelter when they had been put through the dreaded diagnostic review process and then been banished into social isolation. These leprosaria were financed through donations and all were dedicated to Saint George (or Jürgen), the patron saint of lepers. The ones nearest to Klixbüll were located in Flensburg (founded in 1290), where the Church of St. Jürgen (= George) now stands, in Schleswig, where there were no less than three, one of which was in the modern district of St. Jürgen, and in Husum, where the “Gasthaus zum Ritter St. Jürgen” (the Inn of St. George) has stood since at least 1465. In medieval times it lay of course outside the town walls, and it now serves as a home for the aged. Nor should we neglect to mention the Sct. Jørgens Hospital across the modern day border with Denmark in Tønder, only 15 km from Klixbüll and therefore actually the nearest larger town. Probably one in every thousand inhabitants of 16th century Schleswig-Holstein, i.e. around 400 persons, suffered from the disease and was 'cast out'. Claus Broderus must have been personally familiar with the sight of deformed beggars trudging along the streets rattling their wooden rattle with which they were forced to use to warn the rest of the population, but with which they also drew attention to their plight in the search for alms.
So the houses had been washed away in 1532, but the surviving inhabitants stayed in Klixbüll. They had inscribed the water level on the wall of the church and then had defiantly begun to rebuild their homes. „Move your houses to higher ground“ was the pastor’s advice and so the 'Rückenstadt' or 'Rear Town' sprouted up to the south-east of the church, on the edge of the geest.
So Claus Broderus was born with an inbred fear of the next flood, even before his parents had him baptised as a Protestant. Indeed our ancestor probably belonged to the first generation of Christians in North Frisia who were baptised Protestants. Several ecclesiastics had contributed to the spread of the new doctrine in North Frisia, including, from around 1514, Pastor Hermann Tast of Husum, who in 1511 had studied under Martin Luther in Wittenberg. It was either he in 1522 or Theodoricus Pistorius (Dietrich Bäcker) in 1525 who held the first Lutherian church service in Husum, and in 1536 King Christian III, who was a glowing supporter of Luther’s reformatory ideas, had declared Protestantism to be the state religion for himself and his subjects. He had the Catholic bishops either imprisoned or banished, and like King Henry VIII of England declared himself to be Head of the church. All Catholic rites were simply abolished.
Süderstraße in Husum with the house of the reformer Hermann Tast (* c. 1490, † 1551) in the foreground, photographed on 15th July 2013
It is therefore possible that the people of Klixbüll had already heard of Martin Luther from faraway Wittenberg, and that one of the thousands of pamphlets with which he promoted his reforms had found its way to Klixbüll.
But now, at the latest, he and the new order of things must have been on everyone’s lips. Nonetheless the church remained in the village and all the saints whose help was necessary for survival on the bleak coast probably did as well. Incidentally, it is interesting to note that neither the plague, which raged in Tønder in 1539, nor the storm flood of 6th December 1539, were able to harm our Claus Broderus.
One would dearly like to know something about the social status of the Broderus family. The fact that they were serfs of the aristocratic von Andersen family 020, who were lords of the manors of Klixbüll and Karrharde, and that they had to do them service, was unusual for this region of duchies, but rather more typical of the situation of the peasants of the eastern parts of the region. The serfdom was based on the Great Register passed by King Frederick I in 1524, which granted the aristocratic lords of the manor the right of jurisdiction over “neck and hand” of the peasants and which was not repealed until 1805 021. Nevertheless the attempt made by the nobleman Benedict von Ahlefeldt in 1566 to bind unto himself the peasants of the hamlets of Risum and Klockries to the south-west of Klixbüll, who were under his jurisdiction, failed due to the veto of John the Elder, Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Haderslev, a half-brother of the king and, following the division of the country in 1544 his successor in office in Tønder County. „Conventional order“ was not to be endangered, according to the Niebüll historian Albert Panten. On the other hand, says Panten, there were situations of dependency which caused many a peasant to flee, while others entered for economic reasons into a voluntary serfdom, as documented in the case of 'Freienwill' (free will) Farm, 13 km south-east of Klixbüll 022.
We must bear in mind, however, that the church ordinance of 1542 stipulated for the whole duchy that clergymen were to be elected to office. The leading families of Klixbüll would have had considerable influence with regard to the nomination of suitable candidates and the filling of the position, so Claus Broderus’ father must already have been a freeman and as such not a simple farmhand, but rather a prosperous farrier, who owned enough land to support his family and servants. He was also prosperous enough to let his son be accorded some form of higher education.
One thing that would indicate a higher form of education is that fact that in the Age of Humanism, in the 15th and 16th centuries, scholars such as the above mentioned pastor Dietrich Bäcker, or a certain Johann Thomäus of Klixbüll, who was deacon 023 around 1592 in Cathrinenheerd (now called Katharinenheerd), or Johannes Petersen or Petreus (* c. 1540, † 1603) and Peter Boysen or Boetius († 1592), who were both pastors in Strand, tended to latinise their surnames. This may to some extent have been done out of vanity, but also because it was fashionable or even for practical reasons, because they could then decline their surnames elegantly in correspondence, which of course was conducted in Latin. And that is probably why the Frisian Broder, in High German Bruder (brother) became Broderus or Broderius.
Unfortunately there is no surviving evidence of documents or certificates which could throw light on the family situation in the time when Claus Broderus’ was alive. The Broderius genealogical research has at least been able to uncover the fact that his name was originally Claus Brodersen. Claus' father may then have been called Broder, because of the old tradition, common among Frisians and Danes, by which a patronym was formed, when naming a male child, by adding the ending –son or –sen to the genitive form of the father’s first name to indicate 'the son of' . . . i.e. Claus, son of Broder = Claus Brodersen. It is remarkable that the surname Broder(sen) or Broder(i)us was taken at the latest by Claus Broderus, although patronymics were not officially abolished in the Duchy of Schleswig until 1771, and indeed they were still used in places into the 19th century 024. They were reintroduced in Denmark in 2006.
Now the question springs up as to where Claus Broderus received this higher education. In the wake of the Reformation the first school system worthy of being called such was introduced in the Duchies. As early as 1527 the pastors Hermann Tast and Theodoricus Pistorius had established a school of higher education, the Latin School in Husum, forerunner of today’s Hermann Tast School. In 1537 the reformer Johannes Bugenhagen (* 1485, † 1558), who was Luther’s friend and who translated Luther’s bible into Lower German compiled at the behest of King Christian III a new church ordinance, which contained a school ordinance, stipulating that each city and market town should have a school with the emphasis on the teaching of Latin. Claus Broderus could have gone to such a school, but where? The village of Klixbüll did not yet have a school. Assuming that Claus Broderus actually grew up in Klixbüll, the nearest larger towns Apenrade („not until around 1570 does there seem to have been a rector there“ 025), Flensburg (the Latin school was founded in 1566) and Tønder (Latin school founded in 1612) do not come into consideration, which leaves only the previously mentioned school in Husum and the Cathedral School in Schleswig 026, which had been reorganised according to Bugenhagen’s principles and where Hermann Tast had also been a pupil. Of course it is not entirely impossible that he attended a more distant Latin school, such as that in Kiel.
He certainly completed his education with a degree in theology, otherwise he could not have become a pastor. The church ordinance stipulated that no-one could take up a position in the church who had not been properly elected and ordained 027. Moreover the lack of suitable preachers, which after the beginning of the Reformation had led temporarily to an emergency deployment of laymen, had by now been corrected. The question also arises as to where he undertook his studies. It is highly unlikely that he attended either the University of Copenhagen, which had been reopened in 1537, or even the Lutherian University of Königsberg, which was founded in 1544, and where his successor’s successor as pastor of Klixbüll, Johannes Esmarch (* 1616, † 1666) was a student. It seems more likely that Claus Broderus, like so many fellow countrymen before and after him, studied at the Leucorea in Wittenberg, which was founded in 1502 and where Martin Luther (* 1483, † 1546) had taught from 1508, and where the theological faculty had gained such an outstanding reputation in the Duchies, as is clear from the list below, which can by no means claim to be complete 028.
So perhaps Claus Brodersen went to Wittenberg to study theology and returned some years later as Claus Broderus. Anyway, in 1569, at thirty years of age, he took up his position in the St. Nicholas Church as the first recorded pastor of Klixbüll, a position which he occupied for 43 years 029
.
That the calling to become pastor could be 'inherited' is shown not only by the above mentioned example of Theodoricus Pistorius und and his son Johannes Pistorius. Hermann Bockelmann, son of Petrus Bockelmann, Hermann Tast‘s successor in Husum, became a pastor in 1573 in Oldenswort, then Petrus Bockelmann’s grandson Peter Bockelmann in Tönning (1605-1614) and in Koldenbüttel (1614-1622) as well as Justus Bockelmann in St. Peter (1648-1667) 030
. In Klixbüll the three pastors who followed Claus Broderus all bore the name Esmarch, whereby the first was himself the son of a pastor, and the last a cousin of his predecessor 031.Exactly this can also be found in Broderus family: a Norwegian genealogist has identified the Petrus or Peterus Broderus, who was born around 1560 and who from c. 1593 was pastor in Hoyer in the Duchy of Schleswig (now Høyer in Denmark) 032, as being a son of our Claus Broderus 033.
In which language would Pastor Claus Broderus have conducted his services in church? One intention of the Reformation was that native language should find its way into church services and supplant Latin. But in Claus Broderus’ time the Duchy of Schleswig was not exactly homogeneous as far as language was concerned. The rural population and the lower classes in the towns in the northern parts of the Duchy spoke originally Danish, and those in the southern parts Lower German, while in between, in the central area, people spoke both. The language of the upper middle class was Lower German, which since the late Middle Ages, due to the commercial activities of the Hansa, had more or less become the administrative and legal language. On the other hand the Frisians in the west stuck to their own language. Klixbüll, at the edge of the geest which formed roughly the eastern language border of the Frisian-speaking area of the marsh, lay more in the Danish-speaking area, although the church language in Tønder, which lay to the north, was 'Lower Saxon'. In Claus Broderus' lifetime the High German Lutherian language began increasingly to establish itself in civil administration and in the church. The transition from Lower German to High German in the church was completed In Tønder between 1631 and 1652 034, and by the beginning of the 18th century in the whole of the German-speaking parts of the north. With regard to Klixbüll, the pastor of Gelting Hans Nicolai Andreas Jensen, who was also a local historian, wrote as late as 1841: „church and school language is German, everyday language usually Danish“ 035. The pastor could now choose, in accordance with his own knowledge and with local requirements, in which language he held the services in his parish ('sogn' in Danish and 'karspel' in Lower German). Nevertheless, the edict to give preference to the mother tongue of the community when deciding in which language to hold church services, was generally implemented rather slowly, or indeed in some places deliberately disregarded, as in Flensburg, where the superintendent actively recruited pastors from the south, who replaced the long-established dynasties of Danish pastors in Middle Schleswig 036. Even Latin continued to be used in some churches, and it was not finally banished until the end of the 18th century. Before then it “must in many places have been an edifying church service when the congregation was Danish, the preacher German, and the mass and hymns a mixture of Latin and German”, as the Danish historian Carl Ferdinand Allen wrote in 1857 037.
This may have also happened to Claus Broderus, particularly since there were aristocratic families in Klixbüll. On the other hand it is possible that he had been familiar since childhood with the Danish dialect, South Jutlandic or Sønderjysk, and that he used it in his sermons, assuming at least that he hailed from the northern part of the Duchy of Schleswig, if not from Klixbüll itself.
These thoughts are unfortunately rather speculative, but at least we are on safe ground with the assumption that our ancestor’s family earned their living from farming. At certain times of the year there would be collective work to be done, such as the construction or maintenance of dikes. The dike ordinances of the time, such as the so-called spade law of 1557, required every farmer who owned land in the marshes to undertake the maintenance of a designated section of the dike, without payment and using his own farmhands, harnessed team and materials. The Old Klixbüll Koog, constructed in 1466, was a dike worthy of preservation which lay practically on the farm’s doorstep. Often the whole working strategy of the farms was designed around this duty, because otherwise there was always a real threat that land would be lost, and the effort involved in maintaining the dikes was great. In those days the dikes had no foreland and were steep, with wooden walls facing the sea, which offered the beating waves only limited resistance, and which had to be repaired regularly. At the time people did not have the knowledge to realise that experts would later condemn this type of dike construction, which was often used in the most critical places, as being completely unsustainable and doomed.
It is difficult for us to imagine the hardship involved in working on the dikes, particularly when a new dike had to be constructed and closed across a tidal creek at low tide, as is described in the chronicle of Eiderstedt regarding the Darrigbüll dike between Schwabstedt and Husum, where the dike was thrown up across the creek before dawn on 20th July 1547 “with help from the geest side” 038. The men used horse-drawn carts to bring the clay soil, which they had to dig out in all weathers, as close as possible to the construction site. The rest of the way they often had to carry it on a bier, because it was not until the 17th century that the wheelbarrow was introduced into Frisia by the Dutchman Johann Clausen, supposedly earning him the nickname “Rollwagen” or “trolley”. Additionally great quantities of planks and boards had to be carted in and then dug in and fastened together on the side facing the sea. From the mid-16th century building wood even had to be imported from Norway, for Schleswig-Holstein had been largely deforested. Covering the new dike with freshly cut divots of turf was hard manual work. Is it far-fetched to imagine muddy, exhausted men sitting down together round a wooden barrel for their lunch break, spooning up their mashed cereal and passing round a side of bacon, as was customary in the Middle Ages? Certainly no-one ate with a knife and fork, since the latter was considered by the Church as being the work of the Devil. As recently as 1519 Martin Luther had said: „May God protect me from forks“. And of course potatoes were still on their way to Europe. In fact they are said to have first been brought to Schleswig-Holstein by 18th century colonists.
How was such a working day determined? It must have been very long, according to the time of year, and work on the dikes was usually only done in the warmer months. It is assumed that a working day lasted between 12 and 14 hours (at critical times possibly more), with only very few days off 039.
It would be interesting to know whether the people of North Frisia lived at that time with the ancient system of temporal hours, which in rural areas was at the end of the 16th century only gradually giving way to our modern sense of time in which a day is counted as having 24 hours beginning at midnight. The temporal hour system knew only the time of daylight and split it up, in summer as in winter, into twelve units of equal length, resulting in longer hours in summer than in winter. We encounter it even in modern usage: when we say we have been working the whole day we only really mean the majority of the hours of daylight. Nevertheless we are aware of the hours of darkness and consider the hours of day and night as being part of a calendar day with 24 hours. It is hard for us to realise that people did not think that way until the end of the Middle Ages. The divine hours of daylight were separated strictly from the darkness of night-time, which belonged to the Devil. The two parts did not form a whole 040.
The invention of the mechanical clock driven by falling weights had in the second half of the 13th century already paved the way for the triumph of the 24 hour day. These early clocks did have one major technical weakness: once the weights were set in motion they fell uncontrolled and tended to accelerate, and at night they stood still because no-one wound them up. Only a few decades later, shortly before the end of the 14th century, an unknown inventor succeeded in finding a way of restraining the clockwork mechanism, probably in fact the verge escapement, which for centuries was to give clocks more consistency. Now it was possible to make clocks which even ran through the night. A few years later this was joined by the invention, in North Italy, of the automatic chiming mechanism – all in all a major historical event which was to trigger off a real boom. Suddenly chiming clocks became a symbol of power, prosperity and progress, and no town or city wanted to do without one. As early as 1410 most of the larger European cities had such a clock positioned in a public place, and by the 16th Century they had at last reached the majority of west European villages. North Frisia was no exception, where in the village of Garding on the Eiderstedt peninsula, at that time two days’ journey away from Klixbüll, the great clock mechanism dating from 1512, the same year as the first church organ was constructed 041, was installed in the Church of St. Christian, where it struck the hours for nearly four hundred years, probably causing at first quite a sensation. After two hundred years the now obsolete verge escapement was replaced by a more exact anchor escapement, and it was only the advent of electricity which led to it being taken out of service. Nearly one hundred years later it was dug out again and restored, and in 2003 was given a respectable place in the Eiderstedt Museum of Local History in St. Peter-Ording. It is still in good working order, and in fact similar ancient mechanical clocks can still be found in the Church of St. Anne in Tetenbüll and the Church of St. Pancras in Oldenswort 042.
Clock mechanism, c. 1512, from the Church of St. Christian in Garding in the Eiderstedt Museum, with an anchor escapement from the early 18th C.
This proves that in Claus Broderus’ time the Cimbrian Peninsula, the mainland area north of the River Elbe which takes its name from the original inhabitants, the Cimbri, was not completely out-of-the-way at the edge of the known world. Indeed it quickly embraced European developments, one of which was the revolutionary effect of these clocks: the sound of their regular time signals penetrated people’s consciousness with the all- new 24 hour sense of time, gradually displacing the old principle of temporal hours.
It is questionable, however, whether this applied to Klixbüll at the time, because the St. Nicholas Church did not receive its tower, which was the usual place of installation of the large clocks with their falling weight mechanism, until 1699 043. So it would not seem unlikely that in the North Frisia of the early Modern Age there were regions where people still clung to the old time system 044, which may indeed have led to conflict when project management and organisation were required of the authorities for the coordination of large-scale dike construction projects involving hundreds of labourers and vast amounts of materials. In any case the fear of the dark, ungodly night must have been deep-seated, despite the modern time system. It was indeed a reason for the ancient reservations, still noticeable in my family in the 20th century, felt by the farmers of the marsh and the geest towards the coastal fishermen, who went to work at night and must thereby necessarily see things which were not suitable for the eyes of good Christians. The novelist Martin Luserke has put it similarly and aptly 045. In short: the labourers on the dikes will have worked “the whole day long”, but they will still have made sure to be back home before nightfall.
In 1554, when Claus Broderus was 15 years old, Duke John the Elder ordered a large dike project to be carried out, to dam in the area between Tønder to the north, Niebüll in the south and the Wiedingharde polder, which had been diked like an island in 1465, to the west. The dike was to be 11 kilometres in length and form a link with the edge of the geest in the east. Klixbüll, which since 1466 was only protected by the old Klixbüll polder to the south, ending in the north with the Klixbüll dike, now the B5 main road, would finally get better protection to the west and win its share of diked-off land. The digging of the earthworks began in the autumn of 1562. Construction of the 7 km long southern dike of the new polder, which extended the Klixbüll-Niebüll dike north-west to the Wiedingharde polder, took more than three years. The dike was finished in 1566 046. Dennewarck Graven, a wide tidal creek between Niebüll and Klixbüll which was already shortened by the Klixbüll dike, was finally removed from tidal influence. The polder, which according to the chronicle was begun and finished in God’s name, was called by the local people Gotskuuch or God’s Polder 047.
Only four years later, on 1st November 1570, i.e. once again on All Saints Day, - Claus Broderus had been in office for a year – a heavy storm arose and pressed the tide with such force against the coast, at first in the Netherlands and then the next day in North Frisia, that virtually all dikes between the Dutch coast and the coast of Jutland burst 048, including the one of God’s Polder 049. Thousands were drowned. On Christmas Eve 1593 the Christmas Flood burst through the dike near Niebüll in three places, and it was not until 1603 that all the gaps could successfully be closed in the dike of God’s Polder, where the in- and outrushing tidal waters had created deep pools 050.
It could possibly have been done faster if, between 1558 and 1583, Denmark had not been engaged in expensive wars over the ascendancy in the Baltic region. At least the Cimbrian Peninsula came otherwise unscathed through this First Northern War. The adversaries fought one another in southern Sweden and in the Baltic region or sank one another’s new-fangled galleons, which were armed with cannon, in the Baltic Sea.
So while the Danish king traditionally devoted himself to worldly matters, his learned contemporaries were already discussing matters out of this world: the tottering medieval view of the world. In 1543, when Claus Broderus was probably four years old, Niclas Koppernigk, better known as Nicolaus Copernicus, died. Shortly before his death he had commissioned the publishing of his work 'De revolutionibus orbium coelestium' (On the Revolutions of the Celestial Spheres), in which he asserted that the apparent daily movement of the heavenly bodies around the Earth was in fact caused by the rotation of the earth itself, and that the apparent annual movement of the Sun was in fact due to the orbit of the Earth around the Sun! Probably because of his sudden death these findings went at first largely unnoticed. Martin Luther, at least, disagreed vehemently and called Copernicus a clown 051. But even Luther could not hold back the winds of change.
Claus Broderus and astronomers of the Modern Age
Niclas Koppernigk (Nicolaus Copernicus): * 1473, † 1543
Claus Broderus: * ca. 1539, † 1612
Tyge Ottesen Brahe (Tycho Brahe): * 1546, † 1601
Galileo Galilei: * 1564, † 1642
Friedrich Johannes Kepler (Ioannes Keplerus): * 1571, † 1630
In the autumn of 1572, when Claus Broderus was probably 33 years old, a new star was discovered by the young Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe, from the south Swedish town of Helsingborg, then part of the Kingdom of Denmark. He gave it the appropriate name of Stella Nova, observed it for a long time and caused a great uproar among his contemporaries with the conclusion that the generally accepted unchangeable sphere of the fixed stars was not so unchangeable after all. Although Brahe’s astronomic analysis was accurate, the predictions he made as royal Danish astronomer with regard to the appearance of the star proved to be all the more speculative: there were no wars, disturbances, pestilences or plagues of snakes 052. And the end of the world, which other scientists feared had been overdue for five hundred years, failed once again to materialise. Only five years later Tycho Brahe dealt the old view of the world the next blow, and this time the heavenly spheres ended up as a pile of rubble. He had discovered a comet, and from its path he came razor-sharp to the conclusion that the existence of fixed stars was impossible. But still Brahe was not able to come to terms with the heliocentric view of the world, and published his own geocentric model in opposition. But Brahe’s assistant and successor Johannes Kepler proved that the planets revolved around the sun – to his great sorrow not along the circular orbits which would befit godly perfection, but in fact elliptically. In 1609 Kepler published the results of his research as Kepler’s First and Second Laws, in the same year as the Italian astronomer and mathematician Galileo Galilei began to study the heavens with a telescope. With his treatise “Sidereus Nuncius” (Starry Messenger) of 1610 Galilei both bewildered and amazed his contemporaries as he reported that there were heavenly bodies which did not revolve around the Earth, but around another planet.
Claus Broderus may have heard about all this, before he was buried in 1612. It is strange, however, that from 1600 the office of pastor in Klixbüll was administered by the verger of the time, until the two offices were merged to allow a more fitting remuneration for the verger. What had happened to Pastor Claus Broderus during this time is anyone’s guess 053.
What we do know is the extent of his income. Broder Boyssen’s church register of 1609 contains the following entry for Klixbüll, which can however hardly be translated into present-day currency:
Church reg. incl. 1588. Pastor’s income: 40
in money, 25 Dem.
marshland, and 2 tons of sand arable land. Corn tithes 1 sheaf of 60. Per Bohl a fat goose and two loaves. Vicar’s
pay 10 .
The chaplain has 24 and 5 Dem. marshland.
Verger’s pay 6 4 
054.
(
= Mark, = Shilling, Dem. = Diemat = c. 5700m², Bohl is similar to German Hufe and English oxgang)
Anyway, the world took no notice of the passing of our ancestor and just went on turning. Galileo Galilei considered the correctness of the heliocentric model to be confirmed by his own findings and in 1630 he wrote his most famous work, the “Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems”, those being the heliocentric system of Copernicus and the geocentric system of Ptolemy, which the Church believed. It was published in 1632 with formal papal permission. The end of the story is well-known: Pope Urban VIII had expected Galilei to discredit the heliocentric model and felt he had been deceived. In 1633 the inquisition forced Galilei to publicly renounce the heliocentric view of the world. But the new view of the world, transported by pamphlets, had already spread through modern Europe, where people were curious and thirsting for knowledge. Even the pope was no longer able to stop the change.
How news was spread in Claus Broderus' time is shown by the following, very earthly incident, which caused an international sensation: the pamphlet concerning the crimes and the punishment of the serial killer and alleged sorcerer and werewolf Peter Stumpp, who was executed on 31st October 1589 in Bedburg near Cologne in the Rhineland. In the same year several graphically illustrated, German-language pamphlets appeared, followed by an English version, published in London in June 1590 and in 1591 in Copenhagen a version of the English edition translated into Danish. The court had sentenced Stumpp to the maximum penalty and thereby excluded any form of clemency or act of grace, which contemporaries would have seen in the choice and sequence of the methods of punishment. Stumpp first had flesh torn from his body with red-hot pincers, a newer method of enforcement, then put to a wheel, on which he suffered the most ignominious and dishonourable punishments before being beheaded and burned on a pyre in accordance with the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina (Procedure for the judgment of capital crimes), which Emperor Charles V had issued in 1532 to deal with cases of black magic, in order to erase him and his fiendishness from the Earth 055. His severed head was stuck on a long pole.
The public interest in this case is not explained by the form of punishment, which was only too well-known, but rather by the widespread fear of werewolves, which were said also to be numerous in Northern Europe, a fear which went hand in hand with the obsessive belief in witches. Anyone who was accused of being a werewolf, i.e. a demon temporarily in human shape, was quite likely to be tried as a witch and burned at the stake 056.
Real wolves were dealt with very differently. According to ancient Germanic mythology and popular belief the wolf, called Fenris the companion of Odin, was considered to be evil per se, a demon which could only be banished with a counter-spell. Wolves were hanged on wolf gallows and left there until all that remained was a skeleton. This was noted down in his diary by the Polish aristocrat Jan Chryzostom Pasek, who, during the Second Northern War, spent the winter of 1658/1659 in Hadersleben in North Schleswig 057. The common belief was that if it were hanging up on dead wood the demon would not be able to regain any strength from Mother Earth, and that Odin’s ravens would carry him piece by piece to the realm of the dead, where he could do no harm. The last wolves to be hunted down in Schleswig-Holstein in 1820 were also displayed hanging, although the reason for this ancient custom was long forgotten 058.
But there was also another attitude towards the wolf, rooted likewise in ancient mythology: it was a symbol of strength. Parents gladly christened their sons Wulf, or Ulf in Danish, and the name was transferred to their property, as in Uelvesbüll. The name was also popular in aristocratic circles, and thus the wolf became a heraldic animal. From 1462 the von Andersen family of Klixbüll had such a coat of arms: the field divided into tinctures of silver and blue with a wolf salient in inverted colours, and as a crest buffalo horns in the colours of the wolf 059.
Claus Johann Broderius
Meanwhile, in 1585, Claus Broderus’ son Claus Johann was born in Klixbüll. He is the second oldest of our known ancestors. It was the year in which Anne of Denmark, daughter of King Christian III of Denmark and wife of the Elector August I of Saxony, died of the plague in Dresden. The generation of our grandparents, who knew her as the “Electress of the kitchen” or “Mother Anne”, considered her a shining example in the role of woman and sovereign.
It is possible that Claus Johann‘s birth and subsequent christening were celebrated with a small feast, with singing and dancing and even with minstrels, if the family could afford them. These more or less sedentary and not always unproblematic characters are first mentioned in the Duchy in the 16th century. In 1533, on the occasion of a three day visit to Neustadt in Holstein by the later Danish King Christian III with his wife and entourage on 97 horses, an account of the cost of the princely banquet includes the item “remuneration of minstrels” 060
. At the beginning of the 17th century their place was taken by musicians who were normally permanently employed by the community, like Johann Beyer in 1615 in Tønder, who was allowed to live rent-free in the cellar of the town hall. In 1585 there are recorded references for Husum alone of at least nine permanent musicians, one of them being a certain Vydt Sinkenbleser, who was probably one of the first permanently employed musicians in the town. Unfortunately there is no written evidence of the standard of their playing, but rather a record of their crimes, ranging from malicious damage (“smashed a fiddle”) and grievous bodily harm (knocked a hole in the victim’s head) to murder: in 1588 the minstrel Jürgen Schlaring of Husum was executed for the murder of his brother Blind Hans Spelman, himself no unknown quantity 061.Unfortunately we do not know exactly which songs were popular then among the people of the Duchy, as opposed to the music played at court. For instance King Christian IV of Denmark paid a princely sum to bring the famous English lutenist John Dowland (* 1563, † 1626) to play at court from 1598 to 1606. Dowland dedicated one of his works to the king: “The Most High and Mighty Christianus The Fourth King of Denmark, His Galliard”. But Dowland’s elegant music, which had been extolled by his contemporary William Shakespeare, would certainly not have suitable for the ribald festivities of the peasant population. Simpler versions of processional, circular or leaping dances, or German dances and the round dances of Renaissance Europe were more appropriate for such feasts. John Dowland must have been familiar with them. As a young man, after 1580, he had spent some years in Paris studying music, where, around 1527/1529, the music publisher and printer Pierre Attaingnant († c. 1552) had printed several thousand copies of his “Paris Dance Books” 062. Later travels took him through Germany to Italy. Another potential envoy of popular music at that time was Tielman Susato († after 1570). Supposedly a native of Soest, he worked as a music publisher and musician in Antwerp. In the last years of his life he surfaced at the Swedish court in Stockholm. He is sure to have given the occasional performance of tunes from his little book of dance music with “alderhande danserye” (all kinds of dances) published in 1551 063.
Music and the printing of music scores had become a lucrative business in Europe, and the resulting phenomenon of travelling musicians must have ensured that contemporary popular- and dance-music spread through the even more remote rural areas. Around 1559 the Biparendantz (dance for two pairs) was introduced into the Duchy “from foreign parts”. It was not unlike the waltz we know today 064 065.
Then in 1599 the Kingdom of Denmark began, albeit belatedly and modestly, with the exploration of the world. Christian IV, King of Denmark and Norway since 1588, sailed in 1599 with a large entourage from Copenhagen around the North Cape, which was given its name by the English sea captain Richard Chancellor who had sailed round it in 1553 during an expedition looking for the Northeast Passage to Asia. On the way King Christian must have passed by the Lofoten archipelago, and also the Moskstraumen, or Maelström, which forms between the islands of Moskenesøy and Værøy and is described in the 13th century Norse poems Edda. In 1539 the Swedish Bishop Olaus Magnus drew these tidal eddies in his Carta Marina, an imaginatively constructed map of Scandinavia containing all kinds of fabulous sea creatures, as a whirlpool about to swallow a ship and gave it the inscription “HEC EST HORRENDA CARIBDIS” – the terrible sea-monster. Generations of scientists and authors would subsequently busy themselves with this fascinating topic, for instance the new-age German scholar Athanasius Kircher who worked in Rome on behalf of the Pope, Friedrich von Schiller (Der Taucher / The Diver, 1797) and Edgar Alan Poe (A Descent into the Maelström, 1841). Kircher, one of the last great polymaths, published in 1664 the theory that the world’s ocean flowed underground from north to south and anyone who came too near to the northern maelström was doomed. Conversely it was impossible for ships to reach the south end of the Earth due to the counter-current caused by the water flowing out again there 066. Kircher attributed the tides to this interexchange of water with an underground ocean 067. Indeed the Antarctic had not yet been discovered, but scientists assumed its existence as a counter weight to the landmass of the Northern Hemisphere.
The reality of the maelström must always have disappointed visitors who were full of expectation 068 and possibly King Christian as well, although he may have known better. The local people will have behaved no differently in his day from the time 150 years later when the Royal Swedish Academy of Science in Stockholm somewhat dryly noted: “In the strongest eddies of the maelström there is excellent fishing, and the inhabitants of the nearest islands sail straight through it” 069.
Meanwhile the sedentary rural population of the duchies was pursuing a different lucrative business: during the years of Claus Johann Broderius' childhood a flourishing cattle trade developed in Tønder County. Customs invoices from Gottorf Castle show that farmers from Klixbüll also drove their cattle regularly in springtime to the cattle market in Husum or even further afield. The drove-road followed the route of today’s main road B199, formerly known as the military road, to Leck to the western branch of the old trading and military road to Husum known as the cattle road, which crossed in two or three sections the entire Cimbrian peninsula. Any animals which were not sold in Husum would be driven further via Hollingstedt towards Kropp, where the drove-road met the eastern cattle road leading in the direction of Lübeck, Hamburg or even the Netherlands 070 071.
When Claus Johann Broderius was around thirty years of age another very heavy storm flood took place, the so-called “Große Schadensflut” (the Flood of Great Damage) of 1st and 2nd December 1615, which “penetrated the entire spade-land” 072. In Tønder it probably washed the town musician Johann Bayer out of his cellar in the town, because people had to travel around the town by boat. The flood conquered the dike of God’s Polder once again, drowning 160 people in the district of Wiedingharde and in Husum washing the boats from the harbour into the streets of the town. On Strand it caused the death of more than 300 people and destroyed many dikes. On Strand only the parishes of Pellworm and the Trinder Marsh, nowadays part of the Island of Nordstrand, remained dry 073. And even worse, it was an omen of what was to come: the Island of Strand was entering the last phase of its existence.
Six years previously Duke Johann Adolf (* 1575, † 1616) had had a survey made about the condition of the dikes on Strand and it had been reported to him that primarily the dikes in the parishes of Ilgrof, Brunock and Stintebüll were in very poor condition, with dismantled timbers and collapsed earthworks 074. These three parishes lay at the northern end of Rungholt Bay, south and west of the small island of Nordstrandischmoor, one of three remaining parts of what was Old Nordstand, in front of the mouth of the Norderhever river and right in the path of building-up storm tides.
Any positive results of efforts made in the following years were more than offset by a whole series of set-backs, and the financial resources of many polder owners were exhausted. A report of 13th April 1615 spoke only of a possible reclamation of the polders, inducing the Duke on 9th May 1615 to insist on invoking the old “spade-laws”: those not prepared to repair the dikes must leave the area. The polder-owners of Ilgrof, Brunock and Stintebüll had received a ducal command, giving them a deadline of two weeks to register the area of land for which they were prepared to pay the cost of dike repairs. Other people could inscribe for any unclaimed areas of land. The matter had dragged on, and at the end of August 1615 the church elders of Brunock had reported that the sea was penetrating further each day and spoiling the land, which was why many of the inhabitants of the parish were impoverished. The water was already up to the wall of the church; it had flushed out coffins in the cemetery and carried them and their contents away with the tide. But the list of those who registered had remained modest in length. Many men had stuck their spade in the dike and given up. Nevertheless a ducal decree was issued that the dikes were to be repaired. Johann Clausen Rollwagen’s son Claus Jansen Rollwagen, or his son Johann Clausen Koth, who had already submitted to the Duke plans for very modern-looking dikes, was to oversee the building work. And meanwhile autumn came and went 075. Too late: on 1st December 1615 the 'Große Schadensflut' (the Flood of Great Damage) destroyed the villages of Stintebüll and Brunock almost completely, throwing everything it washed away there up again on the High Moor, which today is known as Nordstrandischmoor, a surviving remnant of the island of Strand 076.
In the spring of 1616, Duke Frederick III had in the meantime come to power following his father’s early death, a new attempt was made. The task was assigned to Johann Clausen Koth. The Duke sought new investors, workmen and materials and made it a punishable offence for sea captains to take men who were capable of working out of the country 077. Despite new setbacks the project was finally a success. When in August 1617 the last and largest breach in the dike near Stintebüll was closed by means of sunken ships, the new sea dike was finished. Land had still been lost, for the line of the old Brunock dike was gone and would have required a complete new dike 078. But even the new dike would not be able to prevent that which was to come.
Gabriel Broderius (Puderus)
Claus Johann Broderius was the father of Gabriel Broderius, who was probably born in Klixbüll around 1623, whose children were born in Norby in the years after 1655, who died in Norby in 1693 and who was buried in Kropp. Claus Johann Broderius seems to have been buried in Klixbüll, but we know neither the year of his death, nor which of the below-mentioned occurrences he experienced. But there is no doubt that Gabriel Broderius lived in a dramatic age.
Family tree of Claus Broderus. For Petrus/Peterus Broderus see note 033
.Previously, on 27th February 1613 Nicolaus Esmarch had succeeded Claus Broderus as pastor at the St. Nicholas Church in Klixbüll 079 and in the years which followed he began to refurbish the church. The first organ was purchased in 1618 080, and the present-day pulpit was installed in the same year. In 1619 he acquired a cover for the ancient 13th century font and in 1621 an altar 081.
When around 1623 the above-mentioned (and still existing) font cover of the church in Klixbüll 082was presumably removed for the christening of Gabriel Broderius, the region was still at peace. Just a few years later, in 1627, the Thirty Years War, which had broken out in 1618, finally reached the Cimbrian Peninsula, after the Danish King Christian IV had become involved and in 1626 heavily defeated by the imperial forces under Field Marshall Tilly at the Battle of Lutter am Barenberge near Goslar 083. The peninsula was overrun by the armies of Wallenstein 084 and Tilly and, with the exception of Glückstadt, entirely conquered. The mercenary army followed the cattle trail northwards from the River Elbe past Rendsburg to Kropp, where it split into two before continuing via Schleswig and Flensburg, or Husum, Leck and Tønder, right to the tip of Jutland. In 1628 one detail apparently turned in Leck into the road which is now the B 199 highway to Klixbüll, intending to march along the Klixbüll dike (now the B 5 highway), which since its construction in 1466 provided a passable route across the old estuary of Dennewarck, to Niebüll and into the parish of Bökingharde, where however they found themselves confronted with earthworks designed to keep the imperial troops at bay 085. It could not keep them out for long, and we can imagine what treatment the local inhabitants subsequently received. After all, the armies lived from the land and took what they wanted, much to the distress of the local people. This will not have escaped Gabriel Broderius. At five years of age he was too young to understand what was happening, but still old enough to be remember it for the rest of his life. When in the following year the foreign armies withdrew in accordance with a peace treaty signed in Lübeck, parts of the duchies were left plundered and impoverished, and many farms had been abandoned.
Despite all this, and although education would not be made compulsory in the duchies for another 150 years, it can be assumed that Gabriel Broderius attended the school in Klixbüll, which had been founded in 1620 086.
After an all too brief period of economic recovery the next disaster struck in 1634, even if it was a very different kind of disaster. The statistics show it to have been the ninetieth storm flood since the year 1500 087 and it was called the St. Burchard’s Flood because it happened on his feast day. Those affected by it gave it a more appropriate name. Gabriel Broderius was 11 years old and, like most other children probably sitting at the supper table with his parents, brothers and sisters, when on 11th October 1634 the second “Grote Mandrenke” (or Great Drowning of Men) hit Frisia. The eye-witness and chronicler Peter Sax of Koldenbüttel wrote in his work “Annales Eyderstadiensium”: “At 7 o’clock (in the evening) He (the Lord God) did cause the wind to blow so hard that almost no man could move or stand upright.…” Within the space of two hours the flood had destroyed virtually every dike of the large island of Strand, where more than 6,000 people and 50,000 head of cattle were drowned, and more than 1,300 houses were destroyed 088. The arduous struggle with the dikes had been lost once again, and the Thirty Years War, which had drained the resources of the people of Strand, was not entirely blameless 089.
Again the lower lying inland areas were not spared, and the dikes protecting Klixbüll did not hold. The land-destroying “Divine Flood”, as it was called by the vicar of Strand and chronicler Anton Heimreich 090, advanced as far as the edge of the geest near Klixbüll, causing the death of 60 persons and leaving a second, higher flood mark on the wall of Klixbüll church.
But let us return to Duke Frederick III († 1659), who had ruled the Duchy of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf, to which Klixbüll and the Island of Strand belonged, since 1616. He is described as having been unusually well-educated (his library contained 15,000 volumes) intellectually agile, mild tempered and charitable, and a patron of culture and the arts. It is therefore no surprise that he commissioned two “Monumenta mathematica”, which were to reflect the entire geographic and cosmographic knowledge of the day: the water-driven Globe of Gottorf, which the duke himself had conceived and which was already famous throughout Europe, and the smaller, intricately ornate Sphaera Copernicana, a planetarium driven by clockwork. The globe, constructed between 1650 and 1664, was more than three metres in diameter and larger than anything which had gone before it. On its outside was a map of the world, and inside was a walk-in mechanical planetarium, based on the Ptolemaic planetary system and adjusted to the degree of latitude of Gottorf. The duke actually preferred the Copernican system to the Ptolemaic one, as is seen in the Sphaera Copernicana, which was constructed between 1654 and 1657 as a model of the Copernican solar system. Even the elliptical orbits of the planets were implied by eccentric rings. It only has as sub-model a small Ptolemaic armillary sphere 091.
Ptolemaic armillary sphere by the Italian Joannes Paolo Ferreri, Rome 1624. The Earth is at the centre. (National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London, 3rd July 2010)
Duke Frederick III’s politics were geared towards neutrality, which represented a hazardous estrangement from the Danish king, with whom he shared the government of a kind of stately mosaic of duchies, and inevitably meant orientation towards Sweden. It was his intention to open up his duchy to international trade, for which purpose in 1621 he founded Friedrichstadt, upon which he imposed religious tolerance in the middle of the Thirty Years War, (which had begun at least as a religious conflict), dispatched an ambassadorial mission in 1633 to Russia and in 1635 another one to Persia. He also toyed with the idea of building a canal to join the North Sea with the Baltic.
But after the storm flood of 1634 he had other, more immediate worries. Numerous destitute inhabitants of the marshes, in particular from the island of Stand, petitioned their duke to be allowed to move to other parts of the duchy, because they saw no chance of ever being able to earn enough from their ravaged land to pay for the rebuilding of the dikes. Moreover, in 1637 the inhabitants of the parish of Pellworm, where the process of dike-reconstruction had actually begun, were beset by a serious plague of mice. But Duke Frederick III did not want to accede to these petitions, for he needed his surviving subjects where they were. Many desperate people were thus left with no other choice but to move away to neighbouring countries, and some emigrated to Holland, while the duke tried to win over investors for the rebuilding of the dikes by granting them extensive rights and liberties in what then became known as the “imposed” polders 092. And so in 1637, despite all difficulties, the Dutchman Cornelius Jansen Allers succeeded in diking the first polders in Pellworm parish within the area of the island of Strand, including the Great Polder, which now forms the nucleus of the island of Pellworm 093.
But such successes were only partial and it became clear that a quick enclosure of the isle of Strand would not be possible. With every flood the ocean raged unabated through the breaches in the dikes, thrusting more and more into the deeper-lying, unprotected marshes until only parts of the isle of Strand remained: the modern-day isle of Pellworm, the islet of Nordstrandischmoor and what has become the peninsular of Nordstrand. It probably went unnoticed that since the first “Great Drowning of Men” in the Little Ice Age the average sea level had dropped by half a metre 094.
But after the second Grote Mandrenke there at least was peace in Europe until the end of 1643 – years of peace in which Gabriel Broderius outgrew the universally popular game of hoop rolling, in which a hoop or wheel is driven along the ground with a stick, and became a man 095.
But at that time, in December and January, an army of well-equipped and well-trained Swedish soldiers under the command of Lennard Tostensen swarmed through the Cimbrian Peninsular pillaging and marauding and, without even a declaration of war, occupied it completely. The Danish King Christian IV had provoked his Swedish counterpart with excessive customs duties and now saw himself confronted with a vastly superior Swedish-Dutch alliance. During the conflict, which began in May 1644 with the famous sea action on 16th May near List Deep between Sylt and Rømø, King Christian lost first an eye, then his fleet during the Battle of Fehmarn on 13th October and finally at the peace treaty in 1645 more or less everything which had constituted his apparent supremacy in the Baltic and North German regions. Sweden was now the major power. Duke Frederick III of Gottorf had not only decided to remain neutral during this war but he also refused his king the support which he was entitled to demand as liege under the terms of the “everlasting union” between the Kingdom of Denmark and the duchies, enacted in 1533 and expanded in 1623 096, and deserted the cause. Against a payment of 100,000 talers Friedrich was freed from all further obligations, but his duchy had once again been turned into a theatre of conflict and ravaged by foreign soldiers.
To make things worse, the duke’s subjects were now pestering him for tax reductions to compensate for alleged great damage caused by wolves among their animals and horses. Many farmers claimed that for that reason they were no longer able to meet their fiscal obligations towards their ruler. But of course the wolves were not responsible for the disastrous economic situation of the rural population; it was due rather to the wars and natural disasters they had been forced to endure. But nevertheless a scapegoat was needed and not only the wolves fit the role perfectly, in these times of poverty there was a dramatic increase in the number of witch trials. They reached a peak with the accession of Duke Frederick III and had trebled in number compared with that first wave of hysteria during Claus Broderus’ lifetime 097. How close such things had got to the Broderius Family can be seen by taking a look at the “Sources Register” compiled by the Department of European Ethnology/Folklore at the University of Kiel 098. Witchcraft cases were tried in 1635 and 1646 in Norby, and in 1641 in the neighbouring village of Owschlag, and the surnames of at least two of the persons involved appear later in Claus Broderus' family tree 099. The people’s anger was now also directed at other sinister creatures such as birds of prey and ravens 100, and the timid wolf fell victim to its own bad reputation. In 1647 Duke Frederick III offered a reward of two talers for every slain wolf, and King Cristian IV ordered wolf-hunts to be carried out in areas which were considered to be badly affected 101. The extermination of the wolf on the Cimbrian Peninsula began.
During this time, in one of the years after 1634, but certainly no later than 1655, Gabriel Broderius moved from Klixbüll in the parish of Tønder to Norby in the parish of Hütten. The move may have come as a result of inheritance laws which favoured his older brother Johann Broderius and forced Gabriel to earn his living elsewhere.
Norby probably offered the right conditions for this, for it lay close to the military road, the old ox-trail, and many farming sites were still unoccupied and lay waste. In 1641 the Census Book refers to the half “hufe” (an old measure of land) in Norby which was registered as being leased by Gabriel Broderius alias Gabriel Puderus from 1680 to 1683 and which bore the name Broderius until around 1826, as being temporarily deserted. Later, until 1680, it mentions different, quickly changing tenants. As late as 1664 two and a half “hufes” in Norby were registered as being waste, in addition to three and a half in neighbouring Owschlag and one in nearby Sorgwohld 102.
Perhaps it was during a cattle drove that Gabriel Broderius saw the chance to set up his own household in Norby, where the passing armies had left a trail of havoc and destruction, or perhaps it was some privilege or some good connections which the Broderius Family had. After all it is certainly possible that Duke Frederick III was interested in finding new settlers also for the worst affected areas beside the military roads, for although his relocation involved crossing two borders, Gabriel Broderius did not actually leave the country, which suggests that his move had ducal blessing. After the death of Duke John the Elder in 1580, the parish of Tønder, including Klixbüll, had passed to his brother Duke Adolf I of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf, whose territory included Norby, which therefore now belonged to Duke Frederick III.
Perhaps the relocation had something to do with the war of 1643-45, or with the end of the Thirty Years War in 1648, when Gabriel Broderius would have been about 25 years old, or even with the outbreak of the Second Northern War in 1655.
In any case, the move involved a fifty mile journey which took several days. Travelling on foot pulling a handcart, or possibly he had a fully laden oxcart, Gabriel Broderius took the most passable route, probably the cattle-trail, southwards to Norby in the parish of Kropp. The cargo route between Hamburg and Copenhagen via Rendsburg and Schleswig, which in 1614 had begun to use the cattle-trail and which since 1624 carried letters and packages 103 and since 1653 also carried passengers once a week 104, will have been of no use to him.
Cattle-trail near Kropp, 6th Aug. 2007
On his first visit to church Gabriel Broderius may have noticed another new arrival: the painting “Judgment Day” which hangs in Kropp church dates from the first half of the 17th century. It is attributed to the Mannerism style, the transition between Renaissance and Baroque 105.
In contrast to Gabriel Broderius, other men, as we have already mentioned, sought their fortune in other lands, and some even in the Far East, made curious by the stories of those returning from voyages to East India.
As early as 1616 the Danish King Christian IV had founded the 'Ostindiskt Kompagni' and in 1620 he had the trading post Fort Dansborg erected in the East Indian town of Tranquebar, where Danish settlers gained a foothold. However the Thirty Years War caused the company, which in any case had only a handful of ships and a weak financial base, to suspend its commercial activities in 1639 and in 1650 it ceased trading completely. It was not until 1668 that a Danish ship, the Færo, set sail again for the East Indies. It returned in 1670 richly laden and helped to revive the modest Danish engagement in East India 106.
In the Netherlands things took a completely different turn: the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC), founded in 1602 and considered to be the world’s first public limited company, had by 1640 developed into a very profitable major enterprise which, with hundreds of ships and with its own far eastern headquarters Batavia (modern day Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia on the island of Java) as well as other outposts, controlled the spice trade, particularly pepper. In addition the Dutch West Indies Company (WIC), which was established in 1621 and granted in the Netherlands a trading monopoly with West Africa and America, founded in 1626 on the southern tip of Manna-Hata the city of Nieuw Amsterdam, today’s New York. Only fifty years later hundreds of slave ships would be sailing under the flag of the by then re-organised WIC from Africa to the New World.
So the world was in a state of flux, and a great number of adventurers enlisted for good and secure wages as sailor, soldier, craftsman or medic with the ever expanding trading companies who, on account of their high rates of loss, were always looking for new recruits anyway. For instance, when on 3rd May 1643 the East India ship “Walvis” set sail from the Dutch island of Texel on a six month journey to Batavia, among the 271 crew members were at least 13 men whose place of birth, as noted in the ship’s pay book, can safely be said to have been within the duchies.
Crew members of the “Walvis” originally from the Duchies
(departure from Texel, 3rd May 1643, destination Batavia)
Claas Claasen, Rensburgh - ship's cannoneer
Claas Hendricks, Stapelholm - Sea cadet
Claas Pietersen, Gonnen in ditmarsen - soldier
Carsten Jansen, Connen in ditmarsen - soldier
Jan Adolffsen, Reijnsbuttel - ship's boy
Jan Barentsen, Noortstrandt - ship's boy
Jan Pietersen, Flensborgh - ship's boy
Jeurian Pietersen, Flenborgh - quartermaster
Johan Carsten, Hoesem - soldier
Laurus Pietersen, Flensburgh - bosun
Pieter Carsfens, Noortstrandt - soldier
Pieter Poulussen, Eijderste - ship's boy
Pieter Michielsen, Holsteijn - sea cadet
(Names and place names had been copied unchanged from the database 107
.)
We do not know whether the bravery of these men and boys (for most of them would have been very young) ever paid off, or whether they themselves paid with their lives. But the story has been preserved of another brave young man, Jürgen Andersen from Tønder, who left his parents’ home to seek his fortune in the world. As he wrote in the account 108 of his almost unbelievable six year journey which he was lucky to come through alive, he was attracted by military life and travel to foreign lands, and it seems that the assaults on his homeland by foreign soldiers gave him a motive for enlisting as a musketeer in the Thirty Years War. Perhaps he fought on 21st November 1644 in Jüterbog in Brandeburg in the battle between the imperial army and the army of Lennard Torstenson, and then after the crushing defeat of the imperial army he set off for Holland to join the Dutch East India Company (VOC), for it is there that his story begins 109.
Gabriel Broderius and adventurers from Schleswig
Jürgen Andersen
. In the years which followed he travelled, sometimes by sea and sometimes on land, sometimes as an employee and sometimes as a slave, sometimes as a fugitive and sometimes out of curiosity, through India (Vengurla, Goa, Amadabad, Agra, Surat), Yemen (Mocha), Sri Lanka (Colombo, Galle), India again (Tranquebar with Dansborg Fort, Pulicat with Fort Geldria), Malaysia (Malacca), Taiwan (Fort Zeelandia), Japan (Dejima Island in the Bay of Nagasaki), China, Mongolia, Uzbekistan (Samarkand), Iran (Bandar Abbas, Mashhad, Isfahan, Hormuz), Armenia (Yerevan), Afghanistan (Kandahar), Iraq (Bagdad, Mosul), Syria (Aleppo, Damascus), Israel (Jerusalem), Turkey (Iskenderun), Greece (Heraklion/Crete and Malta. From there he managed to reach the French port of Marseille and continued along the Côte d’Azur via Nizza and Monaco to Milan, Venice, Rome Florence and Pisa. Then he started off in the direction of home, passing on the way though Innsbruck, Augsburg, Nuremberg, Bamberg, Leipzig and Wittenberg, then Hamburg and Lübeck, before finally arriving at his home in Gottorf in November 1650, two years after the end of the Thirty Years War.
Born c. 1620 in Tønder, he served temporarily in the Thirty Years War in Germany as a musketeer and in 1644 joined the VOC with the rank of sergeant and as someone who understood how to use a cannon. On board one of their ships, according to his account it was the “Walvis”, he set sail on 24th April 1644 also from Texel for Batavia, with stopovers in Cape Verde and the Cape of Good Hope, in both cases to replenish provisions 110
After his return he offered his services to Duke Frederick III of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf, who had been recommended to him, as being a “fan of men who had visited distant countries”, as it says in his narration. The duke did indeed show interest, listened to Jürgen Andersen’s detailed account of his travels and made sure that he was able to complete the written version of the story of his travels. No later than 1652 Jürgen Andersen was a mounted servant at the court of the duke, who in 1654 installed him as bailiff of the hundred of Kropp. He died in 1679.
Gabriel Broderius
Born c. 1623 in Klixbüll, no later than 1655 resident in Norby, which then belonged to the parish of Kropp but not the hundred of Kropp, died in 1693. He must have known Bailiff Jürgen Andersen at least from his visits to church on Sundays.Volquard Iversen
Born c. 1630 in Husum, like Jürgen Andersen from a middle-class family, worked as a skilled book-binder in Amsterdam, travelled in 1655 as a soldier of the VOC to Batavia and served for five years on the Moluccas. In 1661 he set sail for home, but was shipwrecked and stranded on the island of Mauritius. By a devious route he reached Surat on the west coast of India in 1662, where he rejoined the VOC and served until 1667. In 1668 he turned up completely unexpectedly in Husum, where everyone thought he was dead, only to leave again in the same year and sail for the VOC back to Batava. And there all trace of him is lost.
Adam Olearius, the Gottorf court mathematician, court librarian, constructor of the great Gottorf Globe, and himself a man who had seen something of the world on royally financed journeys to Russia and Persia, used Volquard Iversen’s short stay in his homeland to arrange a meeting in Kropp between him and Jürgen Andersen and to hear at first hand something of the two globetrotters’ experiences. His ulterior motive was to investigate the veracity of Andersen’s account of his travels by talking simultaneously to Iversen. And in the following year, in 1669, appeared the “Journal of Oriental Travels” by Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, “published by Adam Olearium, librarian and antiquarian to His Serene Highness Duke of Schleswig-Holstein” in the first edition produced “by imperial privilege” at the Royal Schleswig Printing Press 111. Incidentally Olearius was familiar with the works of the previously mentioned scholar Athanasius Kircher; in a commentary to the travel journals he describes him as “learned and curious” 112.
It does not take much fantasy to imagine the much travelled and affable Bailiff Jürgen Andersen, a man of wide interests and not averse to worldly pleasures, sitting in the village tavern in Kropp drinking his beer and his tobacco (for in those days smoking was called “drinking”),and telling stories to his dumbstruck audience: weeks of calm when the drinking water went bad in the tanks so that the men had to hold their noses to drink it; stories of scurvy, dysentery, pestilence and feverish delirium, which caused men to jump into the sea or to utter such blasphemies that made healthy comrades’ “hair stand on end”; of the shipwreck they just avoided off the coast of Brazil, when out of thanks to God they sang the 103rd Psalm; of storms and rough seas during which the cannons broke loose; of wild African cannibals and the “Hottentot people” (using that expression for the first time in German-language literature) as he called the Nama 113; of giant man-eating snakes, crocodiles and sharks: of the lion which in 1633 dragged the “Dennemärker” Hans Mühle into the forest and ripped him apart; of the unhealthy tropical climate, dangerous illnesses and poisonous animals and insects; of sea battles when he played with his sticks on enemy ships (i.e. fired his cannon at them) and sank them; of a ship which exploded because someone had “drunk” tobacco in the powder magazine; of his own shipwreck with a Chinese junk; of the Great Wall of China; of strange peoples, religions, manners and customs; of the Arabian desert wind which blew so hot “as if it came out of an oven”; of the capture of the town and fortress of Kandahar; of the resplendence, power and cruelty of oriental rulers; of the Holy Sepulchre and finally, of the blessing of receiving in Augsburg, after all those years, the evangelical sacrament once again.
He would also have a captive audience when he talked about the alcoholic beverages which were drunk in far-off Batavia, such as the sweet sugar beer, which was certainly very unhealthy when drunk in the tropical heat in too large quantities, or palipunz, a cold punch drunk to allay the effect of the sugar beer.
East Indian mixed drink recipes, from Jürgen Andersen’s notebook
 |
Palipuntz (cold drink) |
One takes half brandy, half water,
ground nutmeg,
cinammon powder,
sugar,
Chinese small lemons,
mixed together
and drunk.
|
Matsack (hot drink) |
2 parts water,
1 part brandy,
several eggs
cinammon powder and
sugar with bread,
is cooked like a wine soup,
causes inebriation.
Around the time of Claus Broderus' birth the first unflattering by-laws to regulate the consumption of brandy had been passed in the duchy 114
and when Gabriel Broderius was a child some of the necessary exotic ingredients were available at chemist’s, which admittedly were still few and far between. These ingredients were imported into the duchies from Holland through Tønder harbour. In 1625 the chemist’s in Tønder lists for instance: rice, almonds, pepper and cinammon 115. In 1681 consignments of lemons and nutmeg were recorded in Tønder harbour, as well as tobacco pipes and tobacco 116.Coffee and tea, both of which Jürgen Andersen had tasted in India or China 117, spread more slowly. It was 1677 before one could order a “cahawé” in a Hamburg bar 118.
It is assumed that the habit of smoking tobacco was copied by sailors in the New World and brought back to Europe. Jean Nicot, a contemporary of Claus Broderus who from 1559 to 1561was French ambassador in Lisbon and after whom the tobacco plant (nicotiana) and of course nicotine itself were named, was introduced there to the plant, which initially was believed to have medicinal properties, and had some leaves and seeds sent to the French court 119. In 1570 tobacco was smoked in the Netherlands in tubes made from palm leaves 120, it is said that in 1615 the first tobacco plants were cultivated in Amersfoort in the Netherlands 121, and in 1616 it reached Norway 122. In 1619 the English King James I wrote a treatise called “A Counterblaste to Tobacco” in which he warned his subjects against the vile weed, as he called it 123, but its use spread nevertheless. It was around this time that the freighter sank which was discovered in 1994 off Uelvesbüll, when seamen’s clay pipes were found in the wreck 124.
The Dutch shipped tobacco in rolls, which ignorant people could have thought were ropes for tying up cattle on board, and which cost 1 mark per cubit (60-70 cm) 125. In those days 1 mark was a day’s wage for a workman in North Frisia 126. Jürgen Andersen wrote that the price for a quarter cubit on the Cape of Good Hope was a large ox or six sheep, which he considered to be a good price 127. At that time an ox driven from Jutland to the River Elbe cost roughly 18 reichsthaler 128, which was equivalent to 54 Hamburg marks, although marks and marks were not directly comparable.
The mercenaries of the Thirty Years War finally spread tobacco into every village which they marched through or where they pitched their tents. It’s opponents could only try to limit the damage it caused: in 1624 Pope Urban VIII forbade smoking in churches 129, in 1691 Simon Pauli, who in 1639 was appointed 1639 Professor of Anatomy, Surgery and Botany at the University of Copenhagen, and who was personal physician to King Frederick III of Denmark and Norway after his ascension to the throne in 1648, warned in his work “Commentarius De Abusu Tabaci Et Herbae Thee” that tobacco-smoking was the cause of the cruelty of oriental rulers 130, and the theologian Christian Scriver, born in Rendsburg in 1629, raged from his pulpit in Magdeburg, where he was made pastor in 1667: “It is there for all to see and hear, what goes on on Sundays and other holidays in the inns and taverns: men fill themselves to overflowing with this drink and that, and so that they can drink even more, they turn their throats into a fire-wall and ignite a tobacco fire in honour of the devil 131.”
It is possible that on his travels Jürgen Andersen carried with him an almanac 132. These calendars, which had become popular in the second half of the 16th century, had a double page for each month containing not only calendric information, but also astronomical, meteorological and medical information such as the best time for blood-letting, or even amusing articles. They also had a column for one’s own notes and thus were also suitable for use as diaries. As aids in longer-term planning they had become as popular as pocket watches, which, however, only the wealthy could afford to carry as a status symbol. By now these were being made in Schleswig by the watchmaker Daniel Kreitzer. One watch made by him around 1640, which presumably belonged to the duke, still exists and is kept in the Regional Museum of Art and Cultural History in Gottorf Castle in Schleswig. Anyway, Jürgen Andersen wrote about his lucky escape in the shipwreck off the coast of China and his subsequent enslavement by the Chinese, who had been able to salvage part of the cargo: “I got back, by asking in the Malay language (which these Chinese living on the coast understood to some extent), my writings and journal, but everything which I had not wrapped in oilcloth was soaked through and half decomposed”. He remarked further, that the Chinese: “were pleased when I drew and sketched lots of figures, they got paper for me and some of their ink dried in cotton, which can be dissolved in water, and they gave me thin reeds or canes, which I could make into pens. And since I was still optimistic about my salvation, I counted every day from our shipwreck onward, as long as I was with the barbarians, until I got back among Christians, who had a calendar, so that if I got any days in the month wrong, I could recapitulate by making use of its surety in counting backwards 133.”
Such a calendar was published in 1676 by a certain Emir Aliscir, “an Indian born in Cambaja”, who in fact was the German astrologer and calendar-maker Daniel Willing, which he called: “The Calendar of old and new Asian traditions / costumes / idolatry / barbarity and landscapes for the year MDCLXXVII”. Jürgen Andersen is mentioned by name in this calendar and quoted, sometimes directly, or as is the case here, indirectly:
See the women of the Indians.
How loyal here in these wild lands
When a man dies, the wife is happy be burned
Indeed they jump into the fire undismayed and in good spirits
As some writers do testify clearly enough 134.
(n.b.: these are Asian Indians.)
This gives us a measure of the sensation caused by Jürgen Andersen’s travel journal. He had gained a certain fame, which actually increased after his death. The “Andersen” was certainly read in Kropp and the surrounding areas.
The “serene highness” mentioned by Adam Olearius in the travel journals was Duke Frederick III’s son and heir Christian Albrecht, who in 1665 had founded the university in Kiel, which is named after him. The “imperial majesty” referred to is Leopold I, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, King of Hungary, Bohemia, Croatia and Slovenia. It was during his rule in 1683 that the second siege of Vienna by the Turks took place, although the emperor managed to escape in good time from his residential capital and then chose to leave its liberation to the military strategist and Polish King John III Sobieski 135. The two monarchs possibly knew each other from the Second Northern War (between Sweden and Poland) which Leopold I joined in 1657 on the side of the then Polish King John II Kasimir Wasa.
Almost at the same time on the other side of the Atlantic Dutchmen fought against Swedes: in 1655 Peter Stuyvesant, the director general of New Netherland with its capital New Amsterdam, which already had 1,500 inhabitants, defeated after years of conflict the Swedish colony New Sweden on the Delaware river and captured it for the Netherlands, while in the meantime Indians took advantage of his absence to attack New Netherland. Stuyvesant, who with his wooden leg looked just like a typical pirate captain, managed to make peace with the Indian chiefs and in 1658 purchased large tracts of land from them on the other side of the Hudson River.
Johann Broderius (Proderus)
So the world was going through uncertain times. In 1655, the year in which our fourth eldest ancestor Johann Broderius was probably born in Norby, Sweden, Poland and Russia ignited the above mentioned second Northern War to settle the question of predominance in the Baltic region. In 1657, when Johann Broderius was still in his swaddling clothes, this war swept foreign soldiers once again onto the Cimbrian Peninsular. Denmark’s alliance with Poland had given the Swedish King Charles X Gustav an excuse to hurry over from Poland with his troops and capture Holstein and Schleswig. On 30th January 1658 he then took advantage of the fact that the severe frost had frozen up the Baltic Sea to march with his army, including their cannon, across the Belts to Copenhagen and to force Denmark into making peace. The peace treaty provided among other things for the Danish king to lose for the first time in history the suzerainty over the Duchy of Schleswig, which was to attain full sovereignty. However, the armies of the Swedish king did not withdraw as agreed but instead they insisted on still being provided for: in total 64 regiments lay in the Kingdom of Denmark and most of them in the duchies, where they expected to be supplied every 10 days with 18,000 lbs of bread, 10,000 lbs of meat and 100 tons of beer, as well as fodder for the horses 136
. Soon the peace treaty was null and void anyway because the Swedish king broke it in order to force Denmark to its knees once and for all 137. During this time, in the autumn of 1658, the Swedes constructed a redoubt on the Klixbüll dike, set up cannon and built a powder tower. In 1659 the imperial and Polish allies of the Danish king invaded the Cimbrian Peninsula under the command of Frederick William Elector of Brandenburg, who two years earlier had gone to war with the Swedes against Poland 138. As always it was the civilian population who suffered, who bore the burden of war and the malice of the soldiers. The parson of Deetsbüll and chronicler Petrus Petreus wrote: “In the years 1658 and 1659, in the Swedish and Brandenburg time, the parish of Tønder has suffered greatly, not just at the hands of the Swedish themselves but even more so at the hands of their allies from Brandenburg and Poland 139.” In other areas the people fared no better: robbery, looting, rape and murder were the constant companions of war 140. And, what is more, it was said that the war had brought the plague into the country 141.
In the peace treaty of 1660 the sovereignty of the Duke of Gottorf over his part of the Duchy of Schleswig was finally, but by no means irrevocably, confirmed. However, Duke Frederick III did not survive to enjoy this temporary triumph. He had died in his fortress at Tönning while it was being besieged by the Danish king.
His son Christian took up the baton, then Christian’s son Frederick IV, and without having done any detailed research into the descendants of the far-sighted Duke Frederick III, a quick glance at his family tree tells us that his descendants are still among us today.
Descendants
We ourselves are the living proof that this also applies to the Broderius Family. In the end they survived the hardships and trouble of the wars, and of those still to come. In Norby Johann Proderus was succeeded as tenant by Gabriel Puderus and he in turn by another Johann Proderus and then came a Gabriel Proderus, who is also described as innkeeper (at the same time the inventory lists of Hütten refer in 1718 to a Johann Broderus as being an innkeeper in Norby, who “had nothing to keep”) and then another Johann Broderius. Then we find a Hinrich Buderus and a Hinrich Broderius, who bequeathed the farm to his daughter Heinke Broderius and his son-in-law Johann Kröger. When their son Hinrich Kröger sold the farm in 1879 two hundred years of unbroken family ownership came to an end 142
.
By then many other descendants of Claus Broderus had left the confines of the little village of Norby and the first of them had ventured across the ocean to America. Others remained in the 80 by 30 kilometre strip of land between St. Peter-Ording in the west and Eckernförde in the east, which once belonged to the Duke of Gottorf, and where descendants of Claus Broderus still live today, in many cases without even knowing one another.
Epilogue
Memories are fleeting. Anyone who has ever done any genealogical research will know the cry: “If only I’d asked!” It is of no use. Old times elude us more and more with each generation. However, we can immerse ourselves in them to imagine what our ancestors used to do, and perhaps what they would talk about when they sat together, or during a chat over the garden fence. We get closer to this objective by placing the genealogical data onto the timeline of history, as I have attempted to do here with a selection of conceivably connected topics. But the sober facts and numbers of history often tell us nothing about the people who lived and shaped it, who faced up to their day-to-day lives, brought up children and created culture before they, quasi as a fundament for future generations, became a part of history themselves. There is however one source which helps to round off the picture somewhat. It is perhaps not so precise, but instead it is all the closer to everyday life: our treasure trove of legends and myths. Here we can find the echoes of things which preoccupied our ancestors perhaps even in childhood and which they passed down from one generation to the next. In some legends the historical context is recognisable or can at least be guessed at, while others seem to be timeless.
The first group includes the legend of the cow in Toftlund in North Schleswig. After the plundering by foreign soldiers it was the only one left in the village and the villagers were determined to keep it hidden and safe from alien grasp. However, when the animal had eaten all its supply of hay it bellowed so loudly with hunger that it gave itself away.
The story of the farmer who shot down eleven plunderers with one salvo from his blunderbuss as they were discussing how they should best set fire to his farm, is another story from the first category.
We are reminded of the days of the plague by the tale of the gravedigger from Bergenhausen who wanted to bring a plague victim to the plague pit and in doing so caught the deadly disease himself 143.
Legends of magic and witches of all shapes and forms are attributed to Erfde, Hollingstedt, Kropp and Owschlag. The accusations of witchcraft which were actually heard by the court in Owschlag are of course to be found in the legends linked with the village, together with werewolves, lumps of coal which turned to gold and strange men who had once lived there, including one clairvoyant. Owschlag, which is in the immediate vicinity of Norby and which has repeatedly been mentioned here, seems indeed to have had a dubious reputation in bygone times, which could be due to its location on the military road and with the farms which stood there abandoned from time to time. Or perhaps the village’s convenient location meant that stories of things which happened there were spread further afield.
If anything the legends which derive from ancient popular beliefs seem by contrast timeless, such as that of the man of fire who predicts that a house will be burned down (Bergenhusen), of giants (Altmühl) and men who lived underground (Meggerkoog), of all kinds of spooks and sinister places with sunken treasure, bells and castles, and last but not least, the ever present Devil.
Owschlag is one of the places in South Schleswig linked to the legend of Nis Puk, a mostly amicable house goblin whose nocturnal activity in stables and barns promised to bring blessing and prosperity, and who in return expected only a drink of pure water and a bowl of sweet grits with a little butter. And it almost seems as though over the centuries Nis Puk remained a true friend to our ancestors in Norby 144.
And now I shall close as I began, with something loaned from Grimmelshausen, which after this long tale I also thought to be fitting:
Adieu gentle Reader.
Heinz Dargel, spring 2013
Sources and Annotations
001 Grimmelshausen, Johann Jakob Christoph von (* c. 1622, † 1676): Der abentheurliche SIMPLICISSIMUS Teutsch. The address is from 'Beschluß der Continuatio des abenteuerlichen Simplicissimi oder Der Schluß desselben' of 1669. According to Heßelmann of the Johann Jakob Christoph von Grimmelshausen Society it is the most important German novel of the 17th century. See: Heßelmann, Peter: Grimmelshausen – Leben und Werk [o.O., o.J.]. page 1, under: extern> http://www.grimmelshausen.org/images/pdf/grimmelshausen-leben_und_werk.pdf (retrieved on 25.02.2013).
In the TV film of 1975 the word “Hottentot” is used, which raises the question whether Grimmelshausen could have known Jürgen Andersen’s travel journal, in which he calls the South African natives by that name “for the first time in Germany” (quote: Lohmeier, Dieter: publisher’s epilogue. In: Orientalische Reise-Beschreibungen, Reprint Tübingen 1980, page 18*). The original Simplicissimus of 1669 contains only the word “hotten”, which according to the Grimm Brothers‘ Dictionary means to “drive forward” or “move forward” and is used by Grimmelshausen in the negative form, i.e.: “not going”, or “not working”. Apart from that, Andersen’s and Grimmelshausen’s works were published as first editions too close in time to each other.
002 Paul Eliä, 1519 Professor of Theology at the University of Copenhagen, who translated the 'Institutio Principis Christiani' into Danish, fell because of this out of favour with Christian II, see Rudelbach, Andreas Gottlob: Dänische Literatur und Sprache. In: Allgemeine Encyklopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste. Erste Section. A - G. Published by Johann Gottfried Gruber. Part 29. Leipzig 1837, page 72.
003 Ghillany, F. W.: Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, Nuremberg 1853, page 71 f.
004 actually Martin Waltzenmüller, changed to 'Martinus Ilacomilus': Greek hyle = German Wald, Latin lacus = German See and Greek mylos = German Mühle, yields Waldseemüller
005 Mehnert, Ute: USA. Vertraute Bilder, fremdes Land. Berlin 2010, page 14 f;
from the press review of the University of
Freiburg: extern> http://www.jubilaeum.uni-freiburg.de/div/pressespiegel/april/welt070416 (retrieved on 25.02.2013);
in the press itself: extern> http://www.welt.de/wissenschaft/article829257/Amerikas-Name-ist-eigentlich-nur-ein-Irrtum.html (retrieved on 25.02.2013)
006 The notion that the Earth is a sphere was at the latest since the time of Aristotle (4th century B.C.) the generally accepted doctrine, since it was consistent with the geocentric view of the world and could be observed in nature. This belief carried on into the middle ages. At the coronation of Henry VI as Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire he was presented, as a symbol of his supremacy over the world, with an imperial orb representing the sphere of the earth. The great theologian Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) also considered the spherical shape of the earth beyond dispute because it was capable of proof. One hundred years later the French bishop and scientist Nicole Oresme ((c. 1320-25 – 1382) considered the notion of the world as a sphere to be a truth of natural science. It was not until the 19th century when the false claim was made that in the middle ages the earth had been considered to be a disc. And since this corresponds with the popular equation “medieval = backward” it is a misapprehension which still survives today.
007 Scharpff, Franz Anton: Des Cardinals und Bischofs Nicolaus von Cusa wichtigste Schriften in deutscher Übersetzung. Freiburg im Breisgau 1862, page 61 f.
008 Schulte, Rolf: Hexenverfolgung in Schleswig-Holstein. 16.-18. Jahrhundert. Heide 2001, page 67
009 Newig, Jürgen: Die Küstengestalt Nordfrieslands nach historischen Quellen. In: Schernewski, Gerald und Dolch, Tobias (Hrsg.): Coastline Reports 1 (2004). Geographie der Meere und Küsten. Warnemünde 2004, Seite 28, under: extern> http://www.sterr.geographie.uni-kiel.de/downloads/AMK2004_Artikel_gesamt.pdf (retrieved on 25.02.2013)
010 Jasper, Johannes: Chronicon Eiderostadense vulgare - oder die gemeine Eiderstedtische Chronik. 1103-1547. St. Peter-Ording 1977, page 26 f.
011 see also Uelvesbüll
012 Petersen J. A.: Wanderungen durch die Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg. Third Section. North Frisia. Kiel 1839, page 66
014 Panten, Albert: 1000 Jahre Deichbau in Nordfriesland? In: Kühn, Hans Joachim, Panten, Albert: Der frühe Deichbau in Nordfriesland. Archäologisch-historische Untersuchungen. 2nd Edition Bredstedt 1995, page 77 (The assumption expressed here refers to the area covered later by the “God’s Polder”).
015 Matthias Boetius, Pastor and chronicler on Old Nordstrand (* 1580/85, † 1625), uses such imagery after the flood of 1st and 2nd December 1615 on Nordstrand, when he writes of: “whole fields which had once been cultivated for growing corn or sod lifting and which were torn away with tremendous violence from the surface of the harder ground, which they had covered” and carried on to the High Moor, today’s Nordstrandischmoor. Source: Boetius, Matthias: De cataclysmo Nordstrandico. Quoted in: Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 141
016 Iven Knutzen: Korte(n) Vortekinge, umb welcker tidt Eyderstede landfast geworden. 1588: “Because of our sins it often happens that God punishes our lands quite horridly with the salty sea, when the water not only flows over dike and dam, but washes them away altogether”. In: Allemeyer, Marie Luisa: Kein Land ohne Deich ...!. Lebenswelten einer Küstengesellschaft in der Frühen Neuzeit. Göttingen 2006, page 305
017 see also Meggerkoog, Tielen and Uelvesbüll
018 Petersen J. A.: Wanderungen durch die Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg. Third Section. North Frisia. Kiel 1839, page 70
019 Ötsch, Walter; Johannes Kepler Universität Linz, Institut für Volkswirtschaftslehre: Arbeitspapier Nr. 9826. Zur Geschichte und Zukunft von Grundkategorien des ökonomischen Denkens: Raum, Zeit, Objekt und Ich, November 1998. Vienna 2001
020 The German Geneological Book of Patrician Families mentions a Broder Sönneke zu Klixbüll as being the son of Sönneke Broders (meaning “son of the brother”) zu Klixbüll and brother of Andreas Sönnichsen, who was ennobled in 1452 at Segeberg Castle by King Christian I. He resided at Klixbüll Farm, was bailiff of the hundred of Karrharde and is considered to be the progenitor of the von Andersen family.
Source: Deutsches Geschlechterbuch Volume 162 (Schleswig-Holsteinisches Geschlechterbuch Volume 2). C. A. Starke Verlag. Limburg/Lahn 1973, Notiz 65524.
In addition the „Topography of the Duchy of Schleswig“ of 1853 mentions Klixbüll Manor as belonging to the Andersen family who were descended from the bailiff Anders Sönnichsen, whom Duke Adolf made a baron in 1450 and who in 1473 received several manors from King Christian I. His family, who later called themselves von Andersen, owned Karrharde Manor and in Klixbüll several farms and cottages. The last of them was a Hans Jürgen von Andersen zu Uldsund, who died in Jutland in 1655.
Source: Lesser, Wilhelm: Topographie des Herzogthums Schleswig. Erster Theil. Kiel 1853, page 262
021 Hanssen, Georg: Die Aufhebung der Leibeigenschaft und die Umgestaltung der gutsherrlich-bäuerlichen Verhältnisse überhaupt in den Herzogthümern Schleswig und Holstein. St. Petersburg 1864, page 54
022 Pingel, Fiete: Von „eigenen Kerlen“, Ockholmer Fluchthelfern und dem internationalen Getreidemarkt. Symposium at the Nordfriisk Instituut [Bredstedt] on the subject of serfdom in Schleswig-Holstein and North Frisia. In: Gesellschaft für schleswig-holsteinische Geschichte: Mitteilungen 76. April 2009, page 61 f.
023 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 811; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841)
024 Kuschert, Rolf: Die frühe Neuzeit. In: Geschichte Nordfrieslands, Bredstedt 1995, page 157
025 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 1. Flensburg 1840, Seite 57; see Jensen (Band 1, 1840)
026 Schmid, Karl Adolf: Encyklopädie des gesammten Erziehungs- und Unterrichtswesens. Volume 7. Gotha 1869, page 684
027 Lau, Georg Johann Theodor: Geschichte der Einführung und Verbreitung der Reformation in den Herzogtümern Schleswig-Holstein bis zum Ende des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts. Hamburg 1867, page 384
028 Finds showing the importance of Wittenberg for the duchies
Hermann Tast, * 1490 in Husum, was a student in Wittenberg in 1511, before Luther‘s reformatory discovery, was pastor in Husum in 1514, † 1551
(Lange, Ulrich (Hrsg.): Geschichte Schleswig-Holsteins. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart. 2nd Edition Neumünster 2003, page 166 f.);
In 1519 students who were ardent supporters of Luther’s teaching returned to Copenhagen from the rapidly growing University of Wittenberg.
(Michelsen, Andreas Ludwig Jacob: Schleswig-Holsteinische Kirchengeschichte. Revised from original manuscripts and published by Hans Nicolai Andreas Jensen. Volume 3. Kiel 1877, page 14)Marquard Schuldorp, * c.1495 in Kiel, was a student in Wittenberg in 1521, in 1527 appointed the first protestant bishop at Schleswig Cathedral, † 1529
(Bertheau, Carl: Schuldorp, Marquard. In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Published by the Historical Commission at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Volume 32. Leipzig 1891, page 657 f.)
In 1523 the first edition of the New Testament in Lower German was published in Wittenberg. Because of great demand it was reprinted in each of the three following years.
(Michelsen, Andreas Ludwig Jacob: Schleswig-Holsteinische Kirchengeschichte. Revised from original manuscripts and published by Hans Nicolai Andreas Jensen. Volume 3. Kiel 1877, page 16)
Petrus Bockelmann, * 1505 in Braunschweig, before/until 1527 a student in Wittenberg, “heard Luther in Wittenberg”, in 1527 became the first rector of the new Latin School in Husum, became pastor in Hattstedt near Husum in 1540 and in 1552 pastor in Husum as successor to Hermann Tast, † 1576 in Husum
(Groß, Johann Matthias: Historisches Lexicon evangelischer Jubel-Priester. Volume 3. Schwabach 1746, page 20)
Heinrich Rantzau, * 1526 at Steinburg Castle in Holstein, was a student in Wittenberg around 1538, governor of the royal part of the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, offspring of an ancient noble family which belonged to the Equites Originarii (original knights). His father enrolled him in Wittenberg when he was only ten years old. † 1599
(Handelmann, Gottfried Heinrich: Rantzau, Heinrich. In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 27 (1888), page 278 f.)
Johannes Pistorius, son of Theodoricus Pistorius, * 1528 in Husum, was a scholar in Lüneburg in 1542, travelled in 1552 as private tutor to two young noblemen with them to Wittenberg and then to universities in Germany and Holland, before going on to Italy and France; pastor in Tetenbüll in 1557, † 1605 in Tetenbüll
(Lau, Georg Johann Theodor: Geschichte der Einführung und Verbreitung der Reformation in den Herzogtümern Schleswig-Holstein bis zum Ende des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts. Hamburg 1867, page 246)
Johannes Hamer(us), * 1528 in Husum, student in Wittenberg in 1556, in 1562 deacon and then 1576 pastor in Husum as successor to Petrus Bockelmann
(Lau, Georg Johann Theodor: Geschichte der Einführung und Verbreitung der Reformation in den Herzogtümern Schleswig-Holstein bis zum Ende des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts. Hamburg 1867, page 248)
Laurentius Tönnies, after around 1530 the first Lutherian preacher in Tetenbüll on Eiderstedt, recommended the last Catholic vicar there to study in Wittenberg if he wanted to work as a preacher again.
(Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 817; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841))
Laurentius Hummersen, who Jensen describes as one of the students from Stande who came home from Wittenberg
(Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 652; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841))
The same Laurentius Hummersen contradicted the incumbent Catholic pastor Johann Nickelsen, who had been in Gaikebüll on the island of Old Nordstrand since 1526, repeatedly at the pulpit until the latter finally conceded defeat.
(Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 656; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841))
Jürgen Boie (a.k.a. Georgius Boethius), student in Wittenberg from 1538 to 1540, in 1548 pastor in Vilstrup in North Schleswig, 1553 provost of Old Nordstrand, † 1569
(Bricka, Carl Frederik/Laursen, Laurs/Hagemann, Johannes Christoffer/Steenstrup, Reinhardt: Dansk biografisk lexikon. Volume 2. Kopenhagen 1887–1905, page 472 f.)
Hermann Tast‘s son Hermann, * 1530, student in Wittenberg from1550 to 1552, 1572 and 1573 vice-provost in Bupsee on Old-Nordstrand, † 1610 as pastor on Old Nordstrand
(Carstens, Carsten Erich: Tast, Hermann. In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Volume 37. Leipzig 1894, page 413 f.; and: Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 664; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841))
Lucas Bacmeister, * 1530 in Lüneburg, student in Wittenberg from 1555 to 1558, 1559 Danish court preacher in the Danish town of Kolding, † 1608
(Holtz, Gottfried: Bacmeister, Lucas der Ältere. In: Neue Deutsche Biographie 1 (1953), page 508 f.)
Claus Broderus, * 1539, from 1569 Pastor in Klixbüll, (hypothetically a student in Wittenberg) † 1612
Bendix (Benedict I) von Ahlefeldt, * before 1543, student in Wittenberg 1562-1564, 1571 provost of Preetz Monastery in Holstein; his family belonged also to the Equites Originarii and in Gottschalk von Ahlefeldt had provided the last Catholic Bishop of Schleswig, † 1586
(Ahlefeldt, Louis von/Rumohr-Drollt, Wulf August von: Die Schleswig-Holsteinische Ritterschaft. Ein Beitrag zur Adelsgeschichte Deutschlands und Dänemarks. Schleswig 1869, page 11)
Otto Richardi, * 1568, student at Wittenberg from 1592 to 1594, ordained in Wittenberg in 1594, in 1594 deacon, then three years later pastor on the island of Föhr, which like Klixbüll belonged to the diocese of Tønder, † 1603
(Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 1. Flensburg 1840, page 565; see Jensen (Band 1, 1840))
Johannes Breckling, * 1588, masters degree from Wittenberg, from 1616 bis 1618 deputy pastor at the church in Bordelum, which belonged to the diocese of Husum, then from 1622 to 1623 deacon there, in 1623 pastor in Handewitt in the diocese of Flensburg
(Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 735; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841))
029 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 483; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841)
030 Voß, Marcus Detlev/Feddersen, Friedrich: Nachrichten von den Pröpsten und Predigern in Eiderstedt seit der Reformation. Altona 1853, pages 40, 51, 72, 79, 186
031 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 483; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841)
032 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 1. Flensburg 1840, page 390; see Jensen (Band 1, 1840)
033 Nermo, Per: Nordic Geneology extern> http://www.nermo.org/slekt/d0015/g0000000.html#I54287 (retrieved on 01.08.2013).
Contribution to the story: Brodersen, Uwe: extern> http://www.dengang.dk/readarticle.php?article_id=382 (retrieved on 01.08.2013).
034 Besch, Werner/Betten, Anne/Reichmann, Oskar/Sonderegger, Stefan: Sprachgeschichte. Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und ihrer Erforschung. 2nd Edition, 4th part volume. Berlin 2004, page 3386
035 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 1. Flensburg 1840, page 482; see Jensen (Band 1, 1840)
036 Besch, Werner/Betten, Anne/Reichmann, Oskar/Sonderegger, Stefan: Sprachgeschichte. Ein Handbuch zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und ihrer Erforschung. 2nd Edition, 4th part volume. Berlin 2004, page 3385 f.
037 Allen, Carl Ferdinand: Geschichte der dänischen Sprache im Herzogthum Schleswig oder Südjütland. Part One. Schleswig 1857, page 84
038 Jasper, Johannes: Chronicon Eiderostadense vulgare - oder die gemeine Eiderstedtische Chronik. 1103-1547. St. Peter-Ording 1977, page 90 ff.
039 Kramer, Johann/Rohde, Hans: Historischer Küstenschutz. Deichbau, Inselschutz und Binnenentwässerung an Nord- und Ostsee. Stuttgart 1992, page 90
040 Ötsch, Walter; Johannes Kepler Universität Linz, Institut für Volkswirtschaftslehre: Arbeitspapier Nr. 9826. Zur Geschichte und Zukunft von Grundkategorien des ökonomischen Denkens: Raum, Zeit, Objekt und Ich, November 1998. Vienna 2001
041 Wulf, Hans-Walter: Eiderstedt - Halbinsel der Kirchen. Hamburg 1999, page 166
042 Source: Eiderstedt Museum of Local History, St. Peter-Ording, 2011
043 Beseler, Hartwig (publisher on behalf of the Ministry of Culture): Kunst-Topographie Schleswig-Holstein. Kiel, 5th Edition 1982, page 911
044 The Sphaera Copernicana of Duke Frederick III of Gottorf, constructed 1654-1657, already distinguishes between the 24 hour common day and the Roman-Babylonian and Jewish reckoning of time, which was determined by the course of the sun. (Source: see Annotation 107)
045 Luserke, Martin: Das Dorf der Toten, in: Das Wrack des Raubschiffs. Phantastische Geschichten von der Wattenküste. Leer 1988
046 Panten, Albert: Untersuchungen zur Bedeichungsgeschichte. Exkurs: Der Gotteskoog und der Holzimport. In: Kühn, Hans Joachim/Panten, Albert: Der frühe Deichbau in Nordfriesland. Archäologisch-historische Untersuchungen. 2nd Edition Bredstedt 1995, page 83 f.
047 Kunz, Harry/Panten, Albert: Die Köge Nordfrieslands. 2nd Edition. Bredstedt 1999, page 23
048 Dippel, Leopold/Masius, Hermann: Die gesammten Naturwissenschaften. Volume 3. Essen 1859, page 501
049 Wikipedia → Gotteskoog, as at 16th Februar 2013; references to: Gottburgsen, Malene/Hassenpflug, Wolfgang (Hrsg.): Der Gotteskoog. Landschaft und Bewohner im Wandel der Jahrhunderte. ISBN 3-87066-233-6. Bad Honnef, 1991. Link: extern> http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gotteskoog, retrieved on 25.02.2013
050 In addition to the three pools near Niebüll, which are attributed to the year 1593 and one of which is used as a bathing pool, there are two more: the “Anglers‘ Pool” in the south of God’s Polder near Norderhof to the north-west of Niebüll, and the “Hülltoft Deep” in Neukirchen-Seebüll, a few hundred yards from the Emil Nolde Museum, the former home and studio of the painter Emil Nolde (1867-1956).
051 Hipler, Franz: Nikolaus Kopernikus und Martin Luther. From Warmian archives. Braunsberg 1868, page 8
052 Vincent Cronin (Säulen des Himmels - Die Weltbilder des Abendlandes, Berlin 1981) makes a reference here to the St. Bartholemew’s Day Massacre of 24th August 1572, when in Paris thousands of Huguenots were murdered and which was followed by a civil war lasting 25 years. Tycho Brahe discovered the Nova on 11th November 1572.
053 Hoppe, Gisela: Und in unseren Kirchenbüchern können wir auch noch lesen ..... . In: Dorfchronik Klixbüll, Klixbüll 1997, page 172
054 Schröder, Johann von: Aus Broder Boyssens Kirchenregister vom Jahre 1609. In: Gesellschaft für vaterländische Geschichte (Hrsg.): Jahrbücher für die Landeskunde der Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg, Volume 5, Kiel 1862 page 211
055 Death by fire was based on the perception of cleansing by the three natural elements: the fire was to consume the evil, the wind was to blow away the smoke and with it the evil, running water was then to wash away the ashes. See: Hinckeldey, Ch.: Justiz in alter Zeit. Volume VI c der Schriftenreihe des Mittelalterlichen Kriminalmuseums Rothenburg ob der Tauber. Rothenburg ob der Tauber 1989, page 331
056 Anhalt, Utz: Der Werwolf. Ausgewählte Aspekte einer Figur der europäischen Mythengeschichte unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Tollwut. Masters degree thesis, Hannover 1999, section III.3., under: extern> http://www.historicum.net/themen/hexenforschung/thementexte/magisterarbeiten/art/Der_Werwolf_Au/html/ca/5c4339ecdff1610791e96ac1cd10a5a3/?tx_mediadb_pi1%5BmaxItems%5D=14 (retrieved on 25.02.2013)
057 Rheinheimer, Martin: Die Angst vor dem Wolf - Werwolfglaube, Wolfssagen und Ausrottung der Wölfe in Schleswig-Holstein. In: Fabula - Zeitschrift für Erzählforschung volume 36 issue 1/2, Berlin-New York 1995, page 31
058 Rheinheimer, Martin: Die Angst vor dem Wolf - Werwolfglaube, Wolfssagen und Ausrottung der Wölfe in Schleswig-Holstein. In: Fabula - Zeitschrift für Erzählforschung volume 36 issue 1/2, Berlin-New York 1995, page 33
059 Bantelmann, Albert/Panten, Albert/Kuschert, Rolf/Steensen, Thomas/Nordfriisk Instituut in cooperation with the North Frisia Foundation (publisher): Geschichte Nordfrieslands. Heide 1995, page 88
060 Niemann, August Christian Heinrich (Hrsg.): Berechnung eines fürstlichen Gastmahls vom Jahre 1533. In: Schleswig-Holsteinische Provinzialberichte, eighth year, first volume, Altona and Kiel 1794, pages 78-79
061 Soll, Mirko: Verrechtlichte Musik. Die Stadtmusikanten der Herzogtümer Schleswig und Holstein. Münster 2006, pages 48-52
062 Thürlings, Adolf: Der Musikdruck mit beweglichen Metalltypen im 16. Jahrhundert und die Musikdrucke des Mathias Apiarius in Straßburg und Bern. In: Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft, 8th year, Leipzig 1892, page 10. Attaingnant, Pierre/Giesbert, Franz Julius (Hrsg.): Pariser Tanzbuch 1530. 2 volumes. Schott, Mainz 1984
063 Meissner, Ute: Der Antwerpener Notendrucker Tylman Susato. Eine bibliographische Studie zur niederländischen Chansonpublikation in der 1. Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts. 2 Bände. Berliner Studien zur Musikwissenschaft Volume 11 (also PhD thesis). Merseburger, Berlin 1967. Susato, Tilman/Delius, Nikolaus: Danserye. Das dritte Musikbüchlein. Volume 1. Schott, Mainz 1989
064 Müllenhoff, Karl: Sagen, Märchen und Lieder der Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg. 4th Edition. Kiel 1845, page XXXIV
065 Böhme, Franz Magnus: Geschichte des Tanzes in Deutschland. I. darstellender Theil. Leipzig 1886, page 51
066 Mekelburg, Rainer: Wesen der Edda. Was die Edda bisher verschwieg. Volume 1. Wasungen 2011, page 65
067 Kircheri, Athanasii (Athanasius Kircher): Mundus subterraneus in XII libros digestus. Amsterodami (Amsterdam) 1665/1678
068 In 1841, in the same year as Edgar Allan Poe wrote „A Descent into the Maelstrom”, the Copenhagen novelist Christian Birch wrote in his biography of Louis-Philippe I, King of France from 1830 to 1848, whose curiosity had led him to visit the Maelstrom in 1795: “The sea is seized here by deep currents and forms a formidable vortex, which hurls all objects spinning into the depths, from which they may never come back to the surface”. (Birch, Christian: Ludwig Philipp der Erste, König der Franzosen. Darstellung seines Lebens und Wirkens. Volume 1. Stuttgart 1841, page 224). The king must have been disappointed and his biographer recorded it simply as conventional wisdom.
069 Cannabich, Johann Günther Friedrich: Lehrbuch der Geographie nach den neuesten Friedensbestimmungen. 14th Edition. Weimar 1836, pages 156, 157
070 Rheinheimer, Martin: Die Dorfordnungen im Herzogtum Schleswig. Dorf und Obrigkeit in der frühen Neuzeit. Volume 1. Stuttgart 1999, page 125
071 Wiese, Heinz/Bölts, Johann: Rinderhandel und Rinderhaltung im nordwesteuropäischen Küstengebiet vom 15. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert. Stuttgart 1966, pages 31, 32, 58, 67
072 Hoyer, Jonas: Historische Beschreibung der Insel Nordstrand, Camerer II. Quoted in: Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 140
073 Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 140 f.
074 Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 130
075 Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, pages 135-139
076 Boetius, Matthias: De cataclysmo Nordstrandico. Zitiert in: Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 141
077 Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 143 f.
078 Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 151
079 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 2. Flensburg 1841, page 483; see Jensen (Band 2, 1841)
080 Voß, Erich: Hinrich Christian Esmarch, 1655-1731, 'Medicinae Doctor und Badener', Stadt-Physicus in Flensburg, und seine Vorfahren. In: Fjb SH, Jg. 41 – 2002, pages 5 -27
081 Beseler, Hartwig (Publisher on behalf of the Ministry of Culture): Kunst-Topographie Schleswig-Holstein. Kiel, 5th Edition 1982, page 911 f.
082 Hoppe, Friederike: Die Kirche in Klixbüll. In: Dorfchronik Klixbüll. Klixbüll 1997, page 161
083 actually Johann t’Serclaes von Tilly, * February 1559, † 30th April 1632
084 actually Albrecht Wenzel Eusebius von Waldstein, known as Wallenstein, * 24th September 1583, † 25th Februar 1634
085 Panten, Albert: Zum Klixbüller Wappen. In: Dorfchronik Klixbüll. Klixbüll 1997, page 11
086 Panten, Albert: Klixbüll in alten Zeiten. In: Dorfchronik Klixbüll. Klixbüll 1997, page 13
087 Militzer, Stefan: Klima - Umwelt - Mensch (1500-1800). Volume 1. Leipzig 1998
088 Riecken, Guntram: Die Flutkatastrophe am 11. Oktober 1634. In: Hinrichs, Boy (Hrsg.): Flutkatastrophe 1634. Natur - Geschichte - Dichtung. Neumünster, 2nd revised Edition 1991, page 41
089 Riecken, Guntram: Die Flutkatastrophe am 11. Oktober 1634. In: Hinrichs, Boy (Hrsg.): Flutkatastrophe 1634. Natur - Geschichte - Dichtung. Neumünster, 2nd revised Edition 1991, page 40
090 Heimreich, Anton/Heimreich Heinrich/Falck, Niels Nikolaus (Hrsg.): nordfresische Chronik. Third Edition Volume 2. Tønder 1819, page 474
091 Lühning, Felix: Der Gottorfer Globus und die Sphaera Copernicana - mechanische Manifeste des barocken Universums. s.l., n.d., under: extern> http://www.aww.uni-hamburg.de/luehning.pdf (retrieved on 25.02.2013)
092 Karff, Fritz: Nordstrand. Geschichte einer friesischen Insel. Flensburg 1972, page 222
093 Kunz, Harry/Panten, Albert: Die Köge Nordfrieslands. 2nd Edition. Bredstedt 1999, pages 12-16
094 Behre, Karl-Ernst: Die Schwankungen des mittleren Tidehochwassers an der deutschen Nordseeküste in den letzten 3000 Jahren nach archäologischen Daten. In: Schernewski, Gerald und Dolch, Tobias (Hrsg.): Coastline Reports 1 (2004). Geographie der Meere und Küsten. Warnemünde 2004, page 3, unter: extern> http://www.sterr.geographie.uni-kiel.de/downloads/AMK2004_Artikel_gesamt.pdf (retrieved on 25.02.2013)
095 Handelmann, Heinrich: Volks- und Kinder-Spiele der Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg. Ein Nachtrag zu Müllenhoff's Sammlung der Sagen, Märchen und Lieder. Kiel 1862, page 101
See also the renaissance work “Children’s Games” painted in 1560 by the Flemish artist Pieter Bruegel the Elder (* um 1525 in Breda, † 1569 in Brussels), Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum. The ancient game of hoop-rolling, in which a wheel or hoop is hit with a stock to propel it forward, is called by many names, including hoop trundling, a word which originally comes from Schleswig-Holstein (in German: Tründelband or Trudelband) and which found its way together with the game to the New World.
096 Falck, Niels Nikolaus: Handbuch des Schleswig-Holsteinischen Privatrechts. Volume 2. Altona 1831, pages 155-158
097 Schulte, Rolf: Hexenverfolgung in Schleswig-Holstein. 16.-18. Jahrhundert. Heide 2001, page 69
098 Hansen, Nils, Seminar für Europäische Ethnologie/Volkskunde, Universität Kiel, under: extern> http://www.europaeische-ethnologie-volkskunde.uni-kiel.de/forsch-quell.htm
099 Hansen, Nils: Village Index of the source data of the 'Seminar for European Ethnology'. s.l., n.d., under: extern> http://www.aggsh.de/engl/pag/qk/orte/qk-ort-n_7.htm (as at 06.04.2005, retrieved on 25.02.2013). It concerns the names Ra(e)thman(n) and Backen.
100 Rheinheimer, Martin: Die Angst vor dem Wolf. Werwolfglaube, Wolfssagen und Ausrottung der Wölfe in Schleswig-Holstein. In: Fabula - Zeitschrift für Erzählforschung volume 36 issue 1/2, Berlin-New York 1995, page 52
101 Rheinheimer, Martin: Die Angst vor dem Wolf. Werwolfglaube, Wolfssagen und Ausrottung der Wölfe in Schleswig-Holstein. In: Fabula - Zeitschrift für Erzählforschung volume 36 issue 1/2, Berlin-New York 1995, page 55
102 Jensen, Hans Nicolai Andreas: Versuch einer kirchlichen Statistik des Herzogthums Schleswig. Volume 3. Flensburg 1841, page 1112; see Jensen (Band 3, 1841)
103 Gudme, Andreas Caspar: Schleswig-Holstein. Eine statistisch-geographisch-topographische Darstellung dieser Herzogthümer, nach gedruckten und ungedruckten Quellen. Volume 1. Kiel 1833, page 353
104 Hill, Thomas: Reisen in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit, in: Manfred J. Müller (Hrsg.): Von Wegen. Auf den Spuren des Ochsenweges (Heerweg) zwischen dänischer Grenze und Eider. Flensburger regionale Studien volume 12. Flensburg 2002, page 42
105 Beseler, Hartwig (Hrsg. im Auftrag des Kultusministeriums): Kunst-Topographie Schleswig-Holstein. Kiel, 5th Edition 1982, page 681
106 Diller, Stephan: Die Dänen in Indien, Südostasien und China (1620-1845), Wiesbaden 1999, page 105
107 Nationaal Archief Den Haag: VOC-Besatzungen, under: extern> http://vocopvarenden.nationaalarchief.nl/list.aspx (retrieved on 25.02.2013)
108 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen und Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980
109 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen und Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980, Seite 1
110 According to his travel journal Jürgen Andersen’s ship the “Walvis” set sail originally in 1644 together with the “Salamander” and another, smaller ship the “Juffer” (“Jungfrau” = “Virgin”).
Unfortunately it is not possible to corroborate the travel dates, which in Andersen’s oriental travel journal give the impression of being very precise, with data from any other source. Although the vessels mentioned in the journal, the “Walvis”, “Salamander” and “Juffer” were indeed in Andersen’s time in service with the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, VOC) and did indeed sail between Texel and Batavia, the only year in which they are recorded in available data banks as having sailed together for Batavia is 1645, and Andersen’s description of the journey itself seems more likely to fit the passage of the “Salamander” in 1639. (Gegevens VOC-schip Salamander 1639. In: De VOCsite, s.l., n.d., under: extern> http://www.vocsite.nl/schepen/detail.html?id=11856, retrieved on 25.02.2013). Even if Andersen’s journey as a whole can hardly be called into question, it is nevertheless obvious that some details are based on errors, which could however have been made by Olearius when he, in his own words: “tidied Andersen’s narration up a little”.
'Walvis' and 'Salamander' were large pinnaces, known as returnships (Dutch: “retourschepen”). These three masters were the largest type of vessel in the VOC fleet. They were 45 metres long (Scheepstypen van de VOC. In: De VOCsite, s.l., n.d., under: extern> http://www.vocsite.nl/schepen/scheepstypen.html (retrieved on 25.02.2013)), could carry 1,ooo tons of cargo and were fitted with 25 large cannon and 8 smaller guns (Bewapening van de VOC-schepen in de 17e eeuw. In: De VOCsite, s.l., n.d., under: extern> http://www.vocsite.nl/schepen/bewapening.html, retrieved on 25.02.2013), in order to protect the precious cargo, which on the outward journey consisted of precious metals as means of payment, ballast and supplies for the trading posts, and on the return journey of trading goods for the European market, such as pepper and indigo from India, or cinnamon from Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Men like Jürgen Andersen, who knew how to handle cannon, were very much in demand at the VOC.
The Dutchman Reinier Nooms, known as Zeeman, (* 1623, † c. 1663) captured the image of the impressively large “Salamander” in an etching which he made in 1652 to 1654 and which shows the ship being overhauled after a long cruise, which parts of the masts taken down. Indeed records show that the “Salamander” was in home waters between summer 1652 and April 1653, before departing again for Batavia with an intermediate stop at the Cape of Good Hope. The ships normally undertook these six to eight month long voyages in convoys. They preferably set sail with prevailing east winds, around Easter as Paasvloot (Easter fleet) or in September, the time of the annual fair in Amsterdam, as Kermisvloot (Fair fleet) and in December as Kerstvloot (Christmas fleet). (Navigatie in 17e en 18e eeuw. Routes. In: De VOCsite, s.l., n.d., under: extern> http://www.vocsite.nl/geschiedenis/navigatie.html, retrieved on 25.02.2013). At first the ships required nearly a year to reach the East Indies, until it became clear that the route along the coast of Africa, which the Portuguese had discovered, was not the fastest route. And so the ships now sailed from the Cape Verde Islands off the northwestern coast of Africa, using reliable winds and currents, on the “straight route” south west along the coast of South America, where however they had to pass the dangerous Abrolhos Islands (from Portuguese “Abra os Olhos” = “Open your eyes”), which according to Jürgen Andersen put great fear into the East India sailors. When they were level with the Cape of Good Hope they turned east to the south western tip of Africa. In 1613 they also found the fastest route from the Cape to Batavia. This led at first somewhat south in order to get away from the Passat winds and then along the 38th degree of latitude, where strong west winds near the so-called Roaring Forties enabled them to make good progress. The ships maintained this eastward course over thousands of sea-miles until, just before reaching Australia, they turned northward and made for Batavia (Ward, Kerry: Networks of Empire. Forced Migration in the Dutch East India Company as acknowledgement with map: extern> http://assets.cambridge.org/97805218/85867/frontmatter/9780521885867_frontmatter.pdf, retrieved on 25.02.2013). This route had been mandatory for VOC captains since 1617 (Navigatie in 17e en 18e eeuw. Routes. In: De VOCsite, s.l., n.d.., under: extern> http://www.vocsite.nl/geschiedenis/navigatie.html, retrieved on 25.02.2013) – and it brought doom to the famous ship 'Batavia' when she was wrecked off the coast of Australia on a reef of the Houtman Abrolhos Islands, which admittedly were not unknown. Australia itself, on the other hand, remained virtually unexplored. The first European who is known to have set foot in Australia was the Dutch captain Willem Jansz in 1606.
111 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980, page 111
112 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980, page 68
113 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980, page 5
114 Seidel, Brigitta: Kolonialwaren. Genussmittel und Gewürze im ländlichen Haushalt. Husum 2001, page 30 f.
115 Seidel, Brigitta: Kolonialwaren. Genussmittel und Gewürze im ländlichen Haushalt. Husum 2001, page 61
116 Seidel, Brigitta: Kolonialwaren. Genussmittel und Gewürze im ländlichen Haushalt. Husum 2001, page 64
117 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980, pages 54, 120
118 Seidel, Brigitta: Kolonialwaren. Genussmittel und Gewürze im ländlichen Haushalt. Husum 2001, page 20
119 Beyer, Jan-Ole: Die Kulturgeschichte des Tabaks - eine Übersicht. Berlin 2001, under: extern> http://binaerwelt.de/downloads/tabakgeschichte.pdf (retrieved 25.02.2013)
120 Krünitz, Johann Georg/Floerken, Friedrich Jakob/Flörke, Heinrich Gustav: Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus-, und Landwirthschaft. Vol. 179. Berlin 1842, page 18
121 Krünitz, Johann Georg/Floerken, Friedrich Jakob/Flörke, Heinrich Gustav: Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus-, und Landwirthschaft. Vol. 179. Berlin 1842, page 18
122 Krünitz, Johann Georg/Floerken, Friedrich Jakob/ Flörke, Heinrich Gustav: Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus-, und Landwirthschaft. Vol. 179. Berlin 1842, page 20
123 Krünitz, Johann Georg/Floerken, Friedrich Jakob/ Flörke, Heinrich Gustav: Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus-, und Landwirthschaft. Vol. 179. Berlin 1842, pages 16 - 17
124 Kühn, Hans Joachim: Gestrandet bei Uelvesbüll. Wrackarchäologie in Nordfriesland. Husum 1999, pages 91, 94, 95
125 Krünitz, Johann Georg/Floerken, Friedrich Jakob/ Flörke, Heinrich Gustav: Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus-, und Landwirthschaft. Vol. 179. Berlin 1842, page 20
126 Panten, Albert A.: Das Leben in Nordfriesland um 1600 am Beispiel Nordstrands. In: Hinrichs, Boy (Hrsg.): Flutkatastrophe 1634. Natur - Geschichte - Dichtung. Neumünster, 2nd revised edition 1991, page 80
127 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980, page 6
128 Rachau, Jens-Peter: Der Rinder- und Ochsenhandel an der westlichen Nordseeküste im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Husum 2011, page 117
129 Krünitz, Johann Georg/Floerken, Friedrich Jakob/ Flörke, Heinrich Gustav: Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus-, und Landwirthschaft. Vol. 179. Berlin 1842, page 20
130 Krünitz, Johann Georg/Floerken, Friedrich Jakob/Flörke, Heinrich Gustav: Oekonomische Encyklopädie oder allgemeines System der Staats-, Stadt-, Haus-, und Landwirthschaft. Vol. 179. Berlin 1842, page 18
131 Überliefert in Christian Scrivers 'Seelen-Schatz', der Sammlung seiner in Magdeburg gehaltenen Predigten, in extracts in: see Note 141
132 Ötsch, Walter; Johannes Kepler Universität Linz, Institut für Volkswirtschaftslehre: Arbeitspapier Nr. 9826. Zur Geschichte und Zukunft von Grundkategorien des ökonomischen Denkens: Raum, Zeit, Objekt und Ich, November 1998. Vienna 2001
133 Lohmeier, Dieter (Hrsg.): Jürgen Andersen and Volquard Iversen, Orientalischen Reisebeschreibungen in der Bearbeitung von Adam Olearius, Schleswig 1669. Annotated reprint. Tübingen 1980, pages 120, 122
134 Aliscir, Emir (Pseudonym for Willing, Daniel): Alter und Neuer Asiatischer Sitten/ Trachten/ Götzendienst/ Grausamkeiten und Landschafften Calender/ Auf das Jahr M.DC.LXXVII. / Zum ersten mal mitgetheilet/ durch Emir Aliscir/ gebornen Indianer aus Cambaja. Nuremberg 1676.
Published in the Internet by the Thüringen University and State Library, Jena. ID Signature: KAL1:1677(50K), under: external> http://zs.thulb.uni-jena.de/receive/jportal_jpvolume_00085399?XSL.view.objectmetadata.SESSION=false (retrieved 25.02.2013)
135 Düriegl, Günter: Geschichte der Belagerung Wiens. In: Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien (Hrsg.): Die Türken vor Wien. Europa und die Entscheidung an der Donau - 1683. Salzburg and Vienna 1982, pages 131, 147
136 Waitz, Georg: Schleswig-Holsteins Geschichte in drei Büchern. Vol. 2, book 2. Göttingen 1852, page 639
137 Waitz, Georg: Schleswig-Holsteins Geschichte in drei Büchern. Vol. 2, book 2. Göttingen 1852, page 641
138 Schmidt, Werner: Friedrich I.. Kurfürst von Brandenburg, König in Preußen. Munich 2004, page 19
139 Panten, Albert: Zum Klixbüller Wappen. In: Dorfchronik Klixbüll. Gemeinde Klixbüll (ed.), 1st Edition Klixbüll 1997, page 11
140 Waitz, Georg: Schleswig-Holsteins Geschichte in drei Büchern. Vol. 2, book 2. Göttingen 1852, page 643
141 Konitzki, Wolf-Rüdiger: Ein Streifzug durch die Chroniken der Kirchspiele Braderup und Klixbüll. In: Dorfchronik Klixbüll. Gemeinde Klixbüll (ed.), 1st Edition Klixbüll 1997, page 153
142 Klett, Manfred, Gemeinde Owschlag (ed.): Hüttener Chroniken. Chronik der Gemeinde Owschlag. Selbstverlag des Amtes Hütten 1993, pages 385 ff.
143 Hubrich-Messow, Gundula (Hrsg.): Sagen aus Schleswig-Holstein. Husum 2001, page 138
144 Müllenhoff, Karl: Sagen, Märchen und Lieder der Herzogthümer Schleswig, Holstein und Lauenburg. Fourth edition. Kiel 1845, page 321